Received: 1 May 2017
Revised: 19 July 2017
Accepted: 21 August 2017
DOI: 10.1002/jcop.21913
ARTICLE
Multiple senses of community and acculturation strategies among migrants Terri Mannarini1
Cosimo Talò1
Monica Mezzi1
Fortuna Procentese2 1 University of Salento, Lecce, Italy 2 Federico II University of Naples, Lecce, Italy
Correspondence Email:
[email protected];
[email protected]
Abstract Based on the theoretical framework of multiple psychological sense of community (MPSOC) and acculturation models, the study explored the relationships between territorial (TPSOC) and ethnic PSOC (EPSOC) and the acculturation behaviors of 2 groups of immigrants who settled in Italy, namely, Albanians (N = 230) and Sri Lankans (N = 131). Based on survey data and quantitative analyses (general linear models), TPSOC and EPSOC were considered first separately and then combined, according to a bidimensional model of MPSOC that resulted in four combinations (dual membership, receiving society membership, ethnic membership, and no membership). The findings highlighted significant variations across groups. Among Albanian participants, both TPSOC and EPSOC were positively associated with integration and negatively with marginalization. Dual membership was positively associated with integration, prevailing ethnic membership with separation, and no membership with marginalization. Among Sri Lankan participants, EPSOC showed a positive association with separation. Dual membership was associated with marginalization, prevailing receiving society membership with assimilation, prevailing ethnic membership with separation, and no membership with integration.
1
PSYCHOLOGICAL SENSE OF COMMUNITY AND MULTIPLE SENSES
OF COMMUNITY Globalization processes, with the related increased mobility of transnational flows of people, goods, and ideas all over the world—mainly from South to North and from East to West—have had a profound effect on the lives of individuals and on societal dynamics. Among the consequences brought about by globalization, ethno-cultural, local, and national identities have been challenged and are undergoing a deep transformation. It has been argued that as the interconnections between cultures increase, more and more individuals are likely to internalize more than one culture (Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005) and develop a bicultural or multicultural identity that combines their local and J. Community Psychol. 2018;46:7–22.
wileyonlineliberary.com/journal/jcop
c 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
7
8
MANNARINI ET AL .
global identity (Arnett, 2002). Identity issues are interwoven with feelings of belonging (or not belonging) to groups, places, and cultures. Psychological sense of community (PSOC) is a construct that has been used to capture the development of psychologically significant bonds with others, seen as physical, relational, symbolic, or even imagined collectivities that individuals feel connected to. Of special interest for the current work is the idea that individuals develop multiple SOCs related to different community types. Such a possibility opens up the research field of immigrant subjective experience and their acculturation behaviors in receiving countries. Since its appearance almost 40 years ago (Sarason, 1974), PSOC has become a pivotal concept in community psychology, especially in the operationalized version proposed by McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) multidimensional model, which explains PSOC as the result of four core elements: membership, mutual influence, fulfillment of need, and shared emotional connection. Although several quantitative measures have been developed according to such a model, PSOC is typically and most often measured as a one-dimensional construct (Townley & Kloos, 2009). Research on PSOC and its correlates has extended its primary focus from territorial communities, namely, towns (Prezza & Costantini, 1998; Prezza, Amici, Roberti, & Tedeschi, 2001; Prezza, Pacilli, Barbaranelli, & Zampatti, 2009) and neighborhoods (Chavis & Wandersman, 1990), to a variety of settings such as virtual communities (Blanchard, 2007, 2008; Obst, Zinkiewicz, & Smith, 2002), sport organizations (Scotto di Luzio, Guillet Descas, Procentese, & Guillaume, 2017), work organizations (Brodsky & Marx, 2001; Peterson et al., 2008), schools (Admiraal & Lockhorst, 2012; Vieno, Perkins, Smith, & Santinello, 2005), and university campuses (Lounsbury & De Nui, 1996; Royal & Rossi, 1996). PSOC has been also investigated in a variety of target population groups such as adolescents (Chiessi, Cicognani, & Sonn, 2010), mentally impaired people (Townley & Kloos, 2009), lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender persons (Lin & Israel, 2012), and migrants–specifically immigrant groups living in Western societies (Barbieri & Zani, 2015; Hombrados Mendieta, Gómez-Giacinto, Dominguez-Fuentes, & Garcia-Leiva, 2013; Kenyon & Carter, 2011; Lee, 2012; Li, Hodgett, & Sonn, 2015; Maya-Jariego & Armitage, 2007; Rivas-Drake, 2012; Sonn, 2002). Recently, the concept of multiple psychological sense of community (MPSOC) (Brodsky, 2009; Brodsky & Marx, 2001; Brodsky, Loomis, & Marx, 2002; Mannarini & Fedi, 2009) has been introduced in community psychology to account for the multiple belongings and multiple experiences of communities. As pointed out by Brodsky and Marx (2001, p. 176), “People participate in any number of distinct communities at any one time. Each of these distinct communities is also comprised of multiple, nested sub-communities, defined by individual and group roles, experiences and identities.” On the grounds that individuals, in the course of their lives, necessarily relate to a variety of different and changing communities, to which they develop a psychological bond, MPSOC considers how attachment and belonging to different communities fulfill specific needs and serve specific functions and how the various MPSOC interact in affecting individual choices and behaviors. For instance, Brodsky (2009) explained how, for Afghan women engaged in a resistance organization, the decision to join was affected by both a negative PSOC, referring to the Afghan society and culture that was felt as oppressive, and a positive PSOC developed within the organization that offered them shelter and instruments to resist oppression.
2
PSOC AND MPSOC WITHIN IMMIGRANT GROUPS
The most part of research on PSOC within immigrant groups, which is still underdeveloped, focused on a single type of PSOC, namely, either on PSOC associated to the ethnic community or on PSOC related to the receiving community. On the one hand, qualitative studies suggested that PSOC within an ethnic group (hereinafter EPSOC) is important for the maintenance of cultural identity, thereby helping immigrants to resist oppression by the receiving majority (Fisher & Sonn, 1999; Sonn, 2002) and strengthening their ethnic identity. Indeed, as highlighted by Kenyon and Carter (2010, p. 6), EPSOC and ethnic identity are interrelated concept: “[Among American Indian students] ethnic identity promotes
MANNARINI ET AL .
9
a sense of membership, which creates feelings of emotional safety, with a sense of belonging to and identification with the larger collective.” On the other hand, feelings of attachment or identification with the receiving community have been considered factors that promote the integrative attitude of immigrants (Kalin & Berry, 1995) and their well-being (HombradosMendieta et al., 2013). For instance, collegiate PSOC among Hispanic/Latino college students enrolled in a U.S. university was crucial in explaining the relationship between ethnic identity and psychological adjustment (Rivas-Drake, 2012). With specific reference to territorial communities (i.e., towns or neighborhoods), Hombrados-Mendieta et al. (2013) highlighted that territorial PSOC (hereafter referred to as TPSOC) buffered the negative effects of migration in Malaga, Spain, across a variety of ethnic groups, and was strongly associated with increased well-being and quality of life among migrants. TPSOC proved also to predict parental satisfaction among Korean immigrants residing in the United States and positively affected their attitudes toward the receiving culture (Lee, 2012). Very few studies took into account the psychological bonds that immigrants develop with more than one community. Those who did turned to MPSOC to understand how immigrants experience multiple belongings across communities and spaces and how different memberships affect their life and immigration experience. Maya-Jariego and Armitage's (2007) study in Sevilla, Spain, found that relational PSOC referring to fellow countrymen settled in Spain was related positively with PSOC referring to the country of origin and negatively with PSOC in the receiving country, and they suggested that relational PSOC serves as a bridge to connect the two communities, namely, the community of origin and the receiving community. Li, Hodgett, and Sonn (2014) explored Chinese immigrants’ PSOC within the context of local settings and transnational communities, that is, “imagined communities” (Anderson, 1987), through which immigrants maintain psychological connections with fellow citizens living in the home country or also in other countries. They revealed how PSOC is constructed in both local settings, through neighboring activities and support exchanges, and transnational settings, through the new media, and how both contribute to successful ageing among older immigrants. Finally, Barbieri and Zani (2015) showed that among Moroccan, Albanian, and Chinese immigrants in Italy, PSOC referring to the community of origin mediated the relation between identity and well-being, while PSOC referring to the community of residence did not affect such relationships. As for the role played by immigrants’ PSOC in acculturation behaviors, quantitative studies that have explicitly addressed this relationship and proposed hypotheses are virtually nonexistent. To the best of our knowledge, there is only a recent study conducted among minority religious groups in Israel (Mana, Sagy, & Srour, 2015), which revealed that sense of coherence—which, like PSOC, involves the perception that the community can support its members and meet their needs, and that it is meaningful to them—was positively related to the tendency for separation and negatively related to the tendency for integration and assimilation. Globally considered, the review of the literature on PSOC and MPSOC within immigrant groups reveals a dearth of research specifically addressing their relationship with acculturation behaviors.
3
ACCULTURATION MODELS
Acculturation has been defined as the modifications that result, at the cultural, behavioral and psychological levels, from the encounter of different ethno-cultural groups. While critical and postcolonial perspectives claim that acculturation processes change according to both the immigrant groups and the receiving societies (Bhatia & Ram, 2001), the main psychosocial models, developed from the bidimensional framework originally proposed by Berry (2005, 2006), such as the interactive acculturation model (Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, & Senecal, 1997) and the relative acculturation extended model (Navas, García, Sánchez, Rojas, Pumares, & Fernández, 2005), posited that acculturation occurs as the result of the combinations of two options available to immigrants: maintaining their culture of origin and cultural identity and adopting the culture of the receiving society, that is, seeking involvement in the society where they settled. Such combinations give rise to four general acculturation strategies, which are assimilation (absorption in the receiving culture while abandoning the culture of origin), integration (maintenance of cultural heritage and
10
MANNARINI ET AL .
simultaneous adoption of the receiving culture), separation (rejection of the receiving culture while preserving the culture of origin), and marginalization (lack of identification with both the culture of origin and the receiving culture). In Bourhis’ et al. (1997) interactional model, which includes matching the perspective of the receiving society and the perspective of immigrant minorities, marginalization has been articulated in two options: anomie (when immigrants reject both their cultural heritage and the culture of the receiving society) and individualism, which occurs when immigrants distance themselves from both the culture of origin and the receiving culture, because they think of themselves less as members of a group than as single individuals and therefore they do not ascribe their beliefs and behaviors to any group membership. A speculative tridimensional model, proposed by Flannery, Reise, and Yu (2001), suggested that a third axis should be added, called ethnogenesis, which refers to the creation of a new unique ethnicity that cannot be reduced to home or receiving society's orientations. Though it is apparent that acculturation occurs as a result of both the immigrants’ attitudes and the receiving society's orientations and policies, the focus of the present study is specifically on the immigrants’ side. For this reason, we did not include in our review studies that investigated the relationship between PSOC and acculturation attitudes in receiving community members (Castellini, Colombo, Maffeis, & Montali, 2011), PSOC and prejudice (Mannarini, Talò, & Rochira, 2017; Prezza, Zampatti, Pacilli, & Paoliello, 2008), and PSOC and ethnic heterogeneity in urban contexts (Semyonov, Glikman, & Krysan, 2007; Wilson & Baldassarre, 1996).
4
THE STUDY: AIM AND CONTEXT
The aim of the present study is to delve into the relationship between PSOC, MPSOC, and acculturation strategies to find empirical evidence of the differentiated roles of both constructs in the acculturation orientations of immigrants. For a theoretical framework, we assumed the bidimensional acculturation model of Navas et al. (2005), according to which four acculturation strategies result from the combination of cultural maintenance and adoption of the receiving culture, as described in the previous section. As for PSOC, we relied on the theoretical model proposed by McMillan and Chavis (1986) and on the development of the concept of MPSOC elaborated by Brodsky et al. (2002). Specifically, focusing on PSOC within the territorial receiving context (i.e., TPSOC) and on PSOC within the ethnic group (i.e., EPSOC), we explored the association of both single PSOCs and their combination on the acculturation strategies of integration, separation, assimilation, and marginalization adopted by two groups of immigrants, namely, Sri Lankans and Albanians. The Sri Lankan community in Italy (109,68 members by 2015, equal to 2.8% of the foreign population, see data from Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali [Ministry of Labor and Social Policy], 2016) is characterized by a well-structured communitarian life. The first Sri Lankans immigrated to Italy during the second half of the 1970s – mainly women who had been recruited for working in homes of the elderly–but the more conspicuous arrivals started in the second half of the 1980s (Henayaka-Lochbihler & Lambusta, 2004). Their relations with the receiving society are nonconflictual, but they are few and mostly concentrated in a few domains (Bacciocchi, 2010). Compared with other immigrants groups, Sri Lankans feel less of a sense of belonging to the Italian society (Pinto, Vecchione, & De Filippo, 2015). In 2014, the number of residence permits for Sri Lankan citizens totaled 104,405. Of these, 55,198 were permits for long-term residents (Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali [Ministry of Labor and Social Policy], 2016). In Italy, Sri Lankan immigrants are predominantly Sinhalese and are concentrated in a few regions, namely, Lombardia (30,503), Campania (14,219), Lazio (10,891), Veneto (10,89), and Sicilia (13,541; Istat [National Institute of Statistics], 2015). Sri Lankans–often assimilated to Indians among Italians–are not clearly framed in an established stereotype (Volpato & Durante, 2008), as though their image was not yet connoted by definite and clear traits in the eye of the receiving community. However, many Italians see Sri Lankans as the ideal “docile workers” (Näre, 2010). Immigration from Albania started in the early nineties with big waves of arrivals, and Albanian immigrants have quickly become one of the largest immigrant nationalities in Italy (more than 467,687 by 2015, equal to 9.3% of the foreign population; Istat, 2015) and also the most integrated, according to a variety of indicators. Geographically
MANNARINI ET AL .
11
dispersed across the country, the Albanian community is characterized by a high employment rate, a high rate of family reunification, and a high number of mixed marriages, and it has a considerable number of students enrolled in schools (Pittau, Ricci, & Urso, 2009). The prolonged exposure to Western culture, along with the rejection of an oppressive regime, has made Albanians culturally permeable to Western values and life styles (King & Mai, 2008). Despite what seems to be a successful integration process, more than any other group, Albanians have been subject to a brutal campaign of stigmatization and criminalization by the Italian media (King & Mai 2004). Such aversion may partly explain the camouflage and passing strategies that have been detected as distinctive of this immigrant group (Romania, 2004).
5
HYPOTHESES
Based on community psychology research on PSOC and MPSOC among immigrants as well as research on the acculturation experience of Albanian and Sri Lankans immigrants in Italy, we made the following hypotheses: H1: We expected that Albanians and Sri Lankans would differentiate both for levels of TPSOC and EPSOC and for acculturation strategies. According to the literature on Albanian and Sri Lankan migration characteristics, we expected that Sri Lankans would score higher on EPSOC and separation strategies than Albanians, and that Albanians would score higher on integration and marginalization strategies than Sri Lankans. H2: We expected that either high TPSOC or high EPSOC, or both, would be negatively associated with marginalization strategies, which result from low cultural maintenance and low adoption of the receiving culture. H3: We expected that high TPSOC would be positively associated with either integration or assimilation strategies (both connoted by the adoption of the receiving culture), or both, and negatively associated with separation strategies (which reject the receiving culture). H4: We expected that high EPSOC would be positively associated with either integration or separation strategies (both connoted by cultural maintenance), or both, and negatively associated with assimilation strategies (which imply the abandonment of the culture of origin). When exploring hypotheses 2, 3, and 4, we controlled the PSOC-acculturation strategies’ association for three variables that are likely to affect these relationships, namely, the length of residence in the receiving country, the number of contacts between immigrants and receiving community members, and the perceived quality of the relationships between immigrants and receiving community members. Because we also aimed at exploring the association between the combination of TPSOC and EPSOC and acculturation strategies, we created a bidimensional model of MPSOC that echoes the bidimensional acculturation models (Figure 1). We operationalized MPSOC as follows: High scores on both TPSOC and EPSOC were hypothesized to identify immigrants who experience similar (in quantitative terms) feelings of attachment both to their ethnic community and to the receiving community (significant dual membership). Low scores on both TPSOC and EPSOC were hypothesized to identify immigrants who have low feelings of belonging toward both communities, that is, no significant membership. However, the low TPSOC–low EPSOC case could indicate, though only by absence, a different membership, as suggested by the ethnogenesis option advanced in the acculturation model by Flannery et al. (2001). Low TPSOC scores and high EPSOC scores would correspond to immigrants who feel more connected to their ethnic community than to the receiving community, while the reverse conditions (high TPSOC–low EPSOC) would concern immigrants who identify with the receiving community more than the ethnic community. Based on this quadripartition, we made the following hypothesis: H5: We expected that dual membership would be positively associated with integration strategies, no significant membership with marginalization strategies, prevailing receiving community membership to assimilation strategies, and prevailing ethnic membership to separation strategies.
12
MANNARINI ET AL .
FIGURE 1
6
Multiple psychological sense of community
METHOD
6.1
Participants and procedures
Participants, all recruited according to a snowball design, were Albanian and Sri Lankan immigrants, who were asked to participate in a survey concerning their territorial community. Once the researchers had ascertained sufficient mastery of the Italian language and obtained consent, participants were asked to complete a paper questionnaire under their guidance. Besides presenting the study, researchers provided clarification upon request during the compilation. The administration of the instruments was carried out individually at meeting places and took about 15 minutes. No economic incentive was offered. Albanian participants were recruited in three different areas of Italy: in Salento, a subregion in Southern Italy; in the city of Naples; and in some regions of Northern Italy, in particular Emilia Romagna. Participants were contacted via local associations, namely, groups of Albanian college students, Albanian cultural associations, and local immigrant advocacy groups, and, in Salento, through the community of worshippers attending the local Orthodox Church. In Naples, participants were also contacted through the local offices of FILLEA-CGIL, a trade union for construction workers. The Sri Lankan sample was recruited mainly via local associations based in Naples, namely, a group of worshippers at the church of Gesù Nuovo, an association promoting the Sri Lankan culture, and through a local Sri Lankan trade union. Participants numbered 230 (63.7%) Albanians and 131 (36.3%) Sri Lankans. Table 1 shows the main social characteristics of the two samples.
6.2
Measures
Data were collected using a self-report questionnaire containing the measures described below.
6.2.1
Acculturation strategies
We used two acculturation strategy scales from Navas et al. (2005). Each scale comprised seven items, with a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The first scale assessed the extent to which participants had maintained their cultural habits (Cronbach's 𝛼 = .83) and the second scale assessed the extent to which
13
MANNARINI ET AL . TA B L E 1
Descriptive statistics of the Albanian and Sri Lankan samples Albanians (N = 230)
Sri Lankans (N = 131)
N (%)
N (%)
Women
120 (52.2%)
80 (61.1%)
Men
110 (47.8%)
51 (38.9%)
13 (5.7%)
23 (18.7%)
High school
103 (44.8%)
84 (68.3%)
University degree
114 (49.6%)
16 (13.0%)
Integration
64 (27.8%)
33 (26.2%)
Assimilation
37 (16.1%)
22 (17.5%)
Separation
27 (11.7%)
59 (46.8%)
102 (44.3%)
12 (9.5%)
Gender
Education Compulsory school
Acculturation strategies
Marginalization
they had adopted the habits of the receiving country (Cronbach's 𝛼 = .77) in a variety of domains (values, relationships, work, religion, consumer behaviors, and politics). Acculturation strategies (integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization) were obtained—according to the instructions of Navas et al. (2005)—by combining the scores of the “culture maintenance” scale and the scores of the “culture adoption” scale. The mean score of 3 was used as a cutoff.
6.2.2
Territorial sense of community
We used the Brief Sense of Community Scale (BSCS-8), developed by Peterson, Speer, and McMillan (2008), to measures both global PSOC (Cronbach's alpha = .87) and its subcomponents (need fulfillment, membership, influence, and emotional connection). Items were rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). To measure TPSOC, participants were asked about the town where they lived, for example, “I can get what I need in this community.”
6.2.3
Ethnic sense of community
We also used the BSCS-8 to measure EPSOC (Cronbach's 𝛼 = .87). In this case, participants were asked questions regarding their fellow citizens, for example, “I can get what I need in the Albanian [or Sri Lankan] community.”
6.2.4
Intergroup relations
We used three items drawn from Mancini and Bottura (2014), which were rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Items were as follows: “In general, my relationship with Italians is positive”; “I feel accepted by Italians, at least those who live here”; and “In the town where I live I do not perceive tensions between Albanians [or Sri Lankans] and Italians.”
6.2.5
Contact
To quantify the amount of contact between Albanians/Sri Lankan immigrants and Italians, six dichotomous items were used: “No contact. I see them [Italians] in the streets and public places, but I do not talk to them”; “I meet them because they live next to my house, at work or at school/college, but I do not talk to them unless they talk to me”; “I see them because they live next to my house, at work or at school/college, and I often engage with them”; “I have Italian friends”; “I have Italian family/relatives”; and “I have an Italian partner.”
14
MANNARINI ET AL .
TA B L E 2
Comparisons between Albanians and Sri Lankans Albanians (N = 230)
Sri Lankans (N = 131)
M (SD)
M (SD)
Age
36.18 (13.10)
39.16 (13.18)
F (df) p 4.29 (1, 359) .039
Years of residence
19.14 (10.39)
25.10 (10.11)
28.01 (1, 359) < .000
Years of schooling
15.19 (3.00)
12.81 (2.75)
55.70 (1, 359) < .000
Integration
.28 (.45)
.25 (.44)
.29 (1, 359) .588
Assimilation
.16 (.39)
.17 (.37)
.03 (1, 359) .862
Separation
.12 (.32)
.45 (.50)
59.06 (1, 359) < .000
Marginalization
.44 (.50)
.09 (.29)
54.83 (1, 359) < .000
Intergroup relations
8.99 (.4.39)
9.49 (.1.16)
Contact
3.81 (.96)
2.94 (.88)
1.58 (1, 360) .209
TPSOC
22.80 (7.35)
23.14 (3.32)
.25 (1, 359) .619
EPSOC
22.13 (7.16)
27.13 (4.59)
51.97 (1, 359) < .000
72.10 (1, 359) < .000
Note. M = mean; SD = standard deviation; df = degree of freedom; PSOC = psychological sense of community; T = territorial; E = ethnic.
7
RESULTS
7.1
Descriptive statistics
Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics of the Albanian and Sri Lankan sample. Table 2 shows comparisons between Albanians and Sri Lankans for all the variables considered. With regard to gender, the Albanian sample was balanced, while in the Sri Lankan sample, women were overrepresented. The two groups differed in age (with Sri Lankans older than Albanians), years of residence in Italy (higher for Sri Lankans), and years of schooling (higher for Albanians). As for acculturation strategies, no statistically significant differences emerged on integration and assimilation behaviors, while Sri Lankans scored significantly higher than Albanians on separation behaviors, and Albanians scored significantly higher than Sri Lankans on marginalization behaviors. The distribution of the two samples in the acculturation strategies confirmed that the highest frequencies occurred in the separation condition among Sri Lankans, and in the marginalization condition among Albanians. No differences were found between the two groups as to the quality of intergroup relations, while Albanians reported a greater contact with Italians compared to Sri Lankans. Finally, Sri Lankans showed higher EPSOC scores than Albanians, while there was no difference in TPSOC scores. H1 (Sri Lankans higher on EPSOC and separation strategies; Albanians higher on integration and marginalization strategies) was only partially confirmed. Table 3 shows the correlations between the variables for the two samples. Among Albanians, TPSOC and EPSOC were positively correlated, while among Sri Lankans, their relationship was reversed. Among the former, years of residence were unrelated both to the two PSOCs and acculturation strategies; among the latter, the longer they had stayed in Italy, the more their TPSOC decreased, while their separation behaviors increased.
7.2
Test of hypotheses
To test H2, H3, and H4, several general linear models (GLMs) aimed at analyzing the relationships between TPSOC, EPSOC and acculturation strategies were performed separately for the two samples (Table 4 and Table 5). For each of the acculturation strategies, two linear models were performed: one with the two PSOCs, and the other with two PSOCs and three covariates (years of residence, intergroup relations, and contact). Covariates were entered in the models to verify whether the effects of PSOCs would change or remain stable when variables that were correlated with either TPSOC or EPSOC were added. (G)LM assumptions have been verified for each model: independence of each
15
MANNARINI ET AL .
TA B L E 3
Correlations between variables for Albanians (above the diagonal) and Sri Lankans (below the diagonal) 1
2
−
1. Age
3 .66**
4
−.32**
2. Years of residence
.62**
−
−.26**
3. Years of schooling
.04
−.09
−
4. Integration
.03
−.07
5. Assimilation
−.30**
6. Separation
.35**
.30**
6
.02
−.08
−.04
.07
−.11
.05
.05
−.10
.04
−.08
.06
−.02
−.03
−.06
.10
−.03
.07
−.09
.19**
−.15*
.04
−.08
−.14*
.52**
−.11
−.21** −
7
8
−.27**
−.23**
−.55**
−.02
−.26**
−
−.16*
−.39**
−.07
−.52**
−.41**
−
−.33**
.22**
−.17
5
9
10
11
.55**
.54**
.11
.15*
.08
.05
.12
−.04
.01
.06
7. Marginalization
−.22*
−.14
−.17
−.18*
−.14
−.29**
−
−.63**
.02
−.56**
−.56**
8. Intergroup relations
−.16
−.21*
.11
.29**
−.08
−.14
−.06
−
.02
.39**
.52**
9. Contact
−.02
−.10
.18*
.14
.08
−.10
−.16
.14
−.12
−.21*
.22*
.23**
.05
−.24**
.06
.20*
−.03
**
−.12
−.11
10. TPSOC 11. EPSOC
.38
**
.10
.05
−.14
.28
−
.16*
.14
−
.09
−.24
−.09 .47**
**
−
Note. PSOC = psychological sense of community; T = territorial; E = ethnic. **p < .01 (2-tailed). * p < .05 (2-tailed). TA B L E 4
TPSOC and EPSOC and acculturation strategies: GLM, pseudo R2 , and models comparison for Albanians Integration b
s.e.
Assimilation p
b
s.e.
Separation p
b
s.e.
Marginalization p
b
s.e.
p
TPSOC
.16
.03
