Political party advertising and the dynamics of ...

Political party advertising and the dynamics of electoral politics in a changing Zimbabwe Tendai Chari, University of Venda, South Africa. Email: [email protected]/[email protected]\ Paper presented at the Media, Communication and Democracy in Global and National Environments Conference, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia, 31 August-02 September 2011

Abstract

Historically Zimbabwe is not known for having a vibrant culture of political advertising. However, the situation started changing at the turn of the century with the emergence of a strong opposition political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and a privately-owned daily newspaper. Until then, the political and media terrain had been the monopoly of President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party, while elections were a foregone conclusion. The introduction of electoral competition and the end of state monopoly in the news market meant that elections could no longer be a mere ritual where the ruling party was guaranteed of renewing its tenure without any serious challenge. The 2008 elections were, however, unlike all previous elections. Having been widely conceived as a conflict resolution mechanism, which would end the country’s debilitating economic and political crisis of eight years, the outcome of this particular election failed to produce a clear winner. This necessitated a second round of voting between the incumbent, Robert Mugabe, and his archrival, Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change. In the ensuing political contestation, press advertisements became one of the most popular media for winning the hearts and minds of the electorate, among other forms of popular culture. The objective of this paper is to examine political advertisements used by the various political parties during Zimbabwe’s 29 March 2008 harmonized elections and the presidential run-off held on 27 June, 2008, in order to better understand the country’s sociopolitical struggles, and the manner in which political advertising and political culture are reciprocally linked.. Key questions to be addressed in this paper are: What campaign messages did the different political parties convey to the electorate through press advertisements? What communication strategies and techniques did the political parties employ in their press advertisements, in order to sway public opinion during the specified elections? In what way do these messages mirror the social and political struggles of the country in the new millennium? 1

What was the possible impact of these messages on the electorate? In what way does the content and style of political advertisements relate to the Zimbabwean political system and culture? A textual analysis of press advertisements published in the main newspapers (namely, the privately owned Zimbabwe Independent, The Standard, The Financial Gazette, the state owned Sunday Mail and The Herald), between February and the first week of July 2008 was conducted. The study rests on the assumption that political parties have more control over message construction in political advertisements. Political advertisements constitute the most effective means of subverting the gate-keeping role of editors. Thus, through advertisements, political parties are able to propagate their campaign messages more effectively. The paper argues that the nature of press political advertisements used by the different political parties in the 2008 elections mirrors contours of an adversarial and zero-sum game political culture of the time signified by a fundamental shift in the balance of power within Zimbabwe’s body politic.

Introduction

Although Zimbabwe has consistently and regularly held elections since independence in 1980, most of them were a mere formality. President Robert Mugabe who led the country to independence from Britain and his Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Party (ZANU PF) had never faced any serious electoral challenge until the formation of the labour backed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999. The formation of the MDC coincided with the establishment of the Daily News, a daily newspaper owned by a company owned by a consortium of local and foreign businessmen. This broke the state’s monopoly in the daily newspaper market. A debilitating social, economic and political crisis occasioned by multilayered factors and epitomized by hyperinflation, unprecedented unemployment levels, the collapse of social services, political polarization, political violence, economic sanctions, and the international isolation of the country characterized the context of subsequent elections held after the year 2000. However, the 2008 harmonized elections were unique in the sense that they were widely conceived as a conflict resolution which would usher in a new political dispensation, thereby bringing to an end the decade long festering economic crisis. Owing to the deepening economic crisis, President Mugabe, who had ruled the country for 28 years was widely anticipated to lose the by his opponents. The outcome of the election was ill-suited to break the political impasse and left the country more fractured than ever before and the future of the country more uncertain. Although Mugabe lost the election to his archrival, 2

Morgan Tsvangirai, with 47.9% of the ballot against Mugabe’s 43.2%, (while independent candidate, Simba Makoni got 8.3%, Langton Towungana 0.6%) (HSRC, 2008), Tsvangirai failed to garner the constitutionally mandated 50%, thus necessitating a run-off between Mugabe and Tsvangirai. Further, Mugabe’s Party, ZANU PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence (although the party won the popular vote), winning 99 seats, against the Tsvangirai-led faction1 of the MDC, while the smaller faction led by robotics professor, Aurther Mutambara won 10 seats, and one seat for the only independent legislator, Jonathan Moyo 2. The high expectations about the elections raised the stakes in the 2008 elections to unprecedented levels. In the ensuing battle to control the hearts and minds of the electorate, party political advertising took centre stage as a terrain upon which hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses were constructed. The level and intensity of political competition in different elections has been a major determinant to the use of political party advertising. Until 1999 when the Zanu PF government lost a referendum to decide the fate of the government-sponsored draft constitution, the political terrain had been a monopoly of Zanu PF. Zvayi (2006, p73) notes that the number of press advertisements published by Zanu PF in the 2000 House of Assembly election doubled in the 2002 Presidential elections, whereas the MDC’s more than trebled. Although Zanu PF had occasionally faced token challenges from the opposition, much of post independence Zimbabwe was characterized by a weak opposition, resulting in “mock pluralism” where elections produced a “ a drama of pretence” (Sylvester, 1990, 375). Whenever the ruling party suspected the possibility of its hegemony being eroded, such as when its former Secretary General, Edgar Tekere formed the opposition Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM), Zanu PF would launch a virulent media campaign to discredit ZUM. Zanu PF ran adverts on the state owned television and radio equating voting for ZUM with death through AIDS or a car crash (Sylvester, 1990, 394). The election campaign was characterized as “dirty”, “trash”, “pregnant with threats and promises”, “accusations”, “absurdities”, and “littered with violent political messages”, “innuendos” and “mudslinging” (Sylvester, 1990, p394). Elections in 1995 and 1996 were characterized by voter apathy and, as a result, they were inconsequential from a political as well as a communication perspective. The situation, however, changed in 1999 after the Zanu PF government lost a crucial constitutional referendum. During the run up to the referendum the government launched a ferocious “vote YES” media blitz in the print and electronic media. Inevitably, subsequent elections have been characterized by an intensive use of political advertising as the ruling party battled to regain political space lost to the opposition. 1

The MDC split in 2005 after an acrimonious fight over whether the party should contest in senatorial elections.

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Moyo is the former Minister of Information and Publicity and a key figure of the ruling Zanu PF party. He rejoined the party in 2009 after being expelled in 2004.

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This paper analyzes press political advertisements used by different political actors in the 2008 harmonized elections, in order to gain insights on the reciprocal relationship between political advertising and political culture and how this relationship plays out in politically polarized societies. Forty-two (42) press advertisements published in the main daily and weekly newspapers six weeks before the 29 March 2008 harmonized elections, were selected on the basis of their accessibility and subjected to thematic textual analysis. Newspapers were accessed at the National Archives of Zimbabwe and the Belvedere Technical Teachers College Library, both in Harare. The adverts were identified, and coded according to a pre-determined themes based on their function, namely Acclaim, Attack and Defense (Benoit, 2010). The specific focus of the analysis was to find out the meanings of the adverts and how that meaning reflected the communicators’ attitudes towards politics and the audience. Press advertisements lend themselves to gaining insights on political cultures of nations because they can easily be retrieved, from archives unlike electronic adverts.3 The transient nature of electronic political advertisements means that once one misses them at the time of broadcast, they would never see them again, meaning that their impact on the electorate can be reduced. Unlike the broadcast media which is monopolized and heavily controlled by the state, there is a modicum of pluralism in the print media in Zimbabwe4, which means that the press gives a fairer representation of political views of the Zimbabwean society than broadcasting. The ever declining geographical reach of the broadcast media (approximately 30%)5 occasioned by antiquated transmission equipment complemented by plummeting viewership and listenership rates of ZBC radio and TV, owing to propaganda has resulted in people turning to newspapers for diverse opinions about the socio-economic and political developments in their country (ZAMPS, 2010). A high literacy rate (92%), which is the highest on the African continent)6, means that a relatively large number of people, particularly urban elites, can have access to press advertisements. A study of press political advertisements, therefore, has great potential to yield rich insights on the reciprocal connections between the country’s politics and paid political communication. The rest of this paper is divided into four parts. The first is an overview of Zimbabwe’s political and press systems, in order to put into 3

The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), which is the state broadcaster and the only broadcaster in the country has been facing challenges in maintaining its archival material. As a result of the economic crisis, the company has been failing to acquire adequate tapes forcing media personnel to use recycled tapes from the archives. 4

Although the 2008 harmonized election was characterized by a relatively free media environment, allegations of the state broadcaster refusing to air advertisements of the opposition were widespread in the past. 5

The Herald, 21 November 2006

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The Southern Times, 16 July 2010.

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perspective how these circumscribe political advertising. The second part examines the conceptual framework which undergirds this paper and related literature on political advertising. The third part examines the thematic content of political adverts used by different political parties during the 2008 elections. This part also reflects on the connections between political advertising and political culture. The fourth and final part of the paper wraps up the discussion by giving concluding remarks and reflecting on the implications of political advertising on wider issues of democracy. Limitations of the study are discussed and suggestions for further studies are made.

Zimbabwe’s political and media systems

Zimbabwe operates a parliamentary system of governance comprising a bicameral parliament, a cabinet and a judiciary. The executive President is the head of state, Commanderin-Chief of the Defence Forces and co-head of government. Under a compromise power-sharing agreement signed with the opposition MDC in 2009, the post of Prime-Minister, who is co-head of government was, introduced (Bureau of African Affairs, 2011). The President and the majority of the members of the House of Assembly (Lower House) and the Senate (Upper House) are directly elected through a system of universal suffrage. As a result, competition for political office is found at both inter-party and intra-party levels using the First-Past Post electoral system. The Senate comprises of 100 members, 60 of whom are directly elected by popular vote, 10 provincial governors, 16 Chiefs separately elected, plus the President and Deputy President of the Chiefs’ Council and 12 others representing special interest groups. A constitutional Amendment effected in October 2007 resulted in the harmonization of presidential, parliamentary and local government elections7. The amendment also sought to empower parliament to serve as an electoral college in the event of the office of the President becoming vacant and to empower the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the body tasked with the responsibility of running elections, to delimit parliamentary and local government elections (Bureau of African Affairs, 2011). There are over a hundred political parties that have been formed since independence in 1980, however most of them only exist on paper. Most of these only resurface during election time. In 2011 the major political parties are Zanu PF, MDCTsvangirai, MDC-Ncube faction, and Zapu8. 7

The amendment also resulted in the term of the President being reduced from six to five years.

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Former minister of Finance in the Zanu PF government, Simba Makoni ‘s Mavambo-Kusile/Dwan has never existed as a political party although its candidate in the 2008 presidential elections had a significant impact. Zanu Ndonga, which until 2005 was represented in Parliament has almost become extinct.

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Although the country has regularly and consistently held elections, elections held after 1999 have been mired in controversy and their credibility has been questioned. Most of these elections have been characterized by violent campaigns and allegations of rigging by the opposition have been a common feature of these elections. As a result of an economic crisis occasioned by a host of factors, among them the failure of the IMF-World Bank sponsored Economic Adjustment Structural Adjustment Programe (ESAP), costs associated with the country’s intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo, economic mismanagement, economic sanctions, a disorderly land reform programme, and the collapse of bi-lateral and multi-lateral donor funding arrangements. As a consequence of the escalating crisis the government’s legitimacy was eroded, forcing it to operate in a survival mode (see Laakso, 2002, Bond & Manyanya, 2002; Blair, 2002; Raftopoulos, 2005; Moyo & Yeros, 2007; Mlambo & Raftopoulos, 2010). Against the background of a worsening economic crisis and the concomitant erosion of the ruling party’s legitimacy, the prospects of a confrontation between the government and opposition groups was inevitable and elections became the battleground upon which these political struggles played themselves out (Moyse, 2008).

The Press Context In 1980, Zimbabwe inherited from Rhodesia, a fairly diversified media characterized by a strong state owned media and a blossoming privately-owned press which reflected the dominance of white capital in the economy. Consistent with its ambivalent media policy, which exhibited tendencies of authoritarianism and democratic impulses, the new ZANU PF government, under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, set up a trust, the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT) to overlook the operations of the print media (Ronning & Kupe, 2000). ZMMT was, in principle, meant to be a buffer between the government and the public print media. However, ZMMT gradually became ‘submerged in political struggles in the state and civil society as ZANU PF sought to exert its hegemony in the political sphere, and also socioeconomic and political challenges of the post-colony became more manifest (ibid, 160). That the government maintained a tight grip on the state broadcaster, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) while giving media under the ZMMT some autonomy is illustrative of the policy ambivalence during the first two decades of independence. While government maintained a tight grip on the state broadcaster, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) the print media, which fell under the ZMMT had a modicum of independence during the first decades of independence. In relation to the privately-owned media, the government had an uneasy relationship, what Chuma (2007, p95) has described as ‘tactical indifference’, albeit punctuated by occasional but mild rebukes for lack of enough ‘patriotism’.

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Repressive media laws which had been used by the Ian Smith regime to muzzle the media remained on the statutes, but were rarely used in the new political dispensation. Consistent with the policy of reconciliation and to show the new government’s commitment to democracy, no fundamental restructuring or nationalization of either the economy or the media was to be undertaken. Because of the relative freedom enjoyed by the media and the absence of any plans to indigenize the media, the privately owned media grew phenomenally, particularly during the first two decades of independence. Even the public media, which was heavily controlled, could occasionally criticize the government but robust debate and criticism were not tolerated. An example is the firing of Geoff Nyarota, the then editor of the state-owned The Chronicle, after his paper exposed the corruption scandal in which top government officials abused a government car loan scheme in 1988. Nyarota was given a non-editorial job disguised as ‘promotion’, in order to limit his influence on the state-owned media (Chuma, 2007). The second decade of independence (1990-1999) could be described as the golden decade of the press as it was characterized by the phenomenal growth of the newspaper industry in the country. The absence of a codified media policy and a liberal economic environment occasioned by the state’s adoption of the IMF and World Bank supported Economic Structural Adjustment Policy (ESAP) in 1990, the formation of a new opposition political party-the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) fronted by former ZANU PF Secretary General, Edgar Tekere, and the growth of a civil society sector yearning for alternative outlets to voice concerns about the harsh economic conditions occasioned by ESAP, spurred the growth in the private media sector. These newspapers were very instrumental in galvanizing marginalized groups and civil society groups around issues of the economy, corruption, the land issue, the one party state debate, demands for a new constitution and issues of governance in general (see Bond & Manyanya, 2003; Chuma, 2007). Government actions, such as the deployment of the national army in 1997 to help Laurent Kabila’s government in the Democratic Republic of Congo to quell an insurgency by United States of America backed rebels, the awarding of unbudgeted Z$50 000 payouts to war veterans, which resulted in the sudden crash of the local currency, led to a coalescence of civil society groups to demand a new constitution. The privately-owned media played a critical role, not only in ensuring that these issues remained on the national agenda, but also that they were articulated in a manner that sustained a robust debate. Unfortunately, due to a combination of factors, among them undercapitalization, lack of feasibility studies prior to launching, competition from government media with a longer history of establishment, high interest rates, lack of advertiser support and mismanagement in general, some of the newspapers started after 1990 folded (Kupe, 1997). However, the appetite for alternative news remained largely because of the intensification of economic hardships in the wake of the failure of ESAP. The formation of the Daily News in 1999 by the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ), a group backed by a consortium of international and local investors’ (Ronning & Kupe, 2000; Waldahl, 2004) from overseas and 7

from within the country, marked a watershed in the social and political history of the country. This also coincided with the formation of the (MDC), a formidable opposition party backed by society organizations, labour, students, industrialists, white commercial farmers and Western governments. The rising dissent, partly a result of the worsening economic crisis, in the context of a controversial government led land reform programme, meant that the Daily News and editorially similar newspapers carried the mantle of venting popular discontent. Their militant journalism, (and sometimes unprofessional approach), inevitably brought these media into a collision course with the state. In order to tame the increasingly militant and sometimes unprofessional media, the government promulgated an array of stringent media laws such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA, 2002), the Broadcasting Services Act (2001) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA, 2002). The Daily News and its sister publication, The Daily News on Sunday refused to comply with the requirements of AIPPA and were closed down in September 2003. The Business Tribune and The Weekly Tribune, both owned by a Zanu PF aligned politician, also closed in June 2004 after failing to comply with section 71 of AIPPA. In addition, The Weekly Times, also a privately-owned weekly based in Bulawayo, the second city after the capital Harare, also ceased operations in February 2005 after failing to notify the Media and Information Commission (MIC) about changes in their editorial content as per the requirement of AIPPA. Meanwhile, a tumultuous restructuring exercise in the public media, primarily at the ZBC, ZIANA and Zimpapers, saw hundreds of journalists, including senior editors, losing their jobs in retrenchments or similar shake-ups instituted by the new Minister of Information and Publicity, Jonathan Moyo, who incidentally was the architect of AIPPA. At the ZBC alone, over 400 personnel lost their jobs, many of whom left for European capitals and neignbouring countries. A handful are now working for pirate radio stations such as the London based, Short Wave Radio (SW Radio), and the Washington DC- based Studio 7, which is hosted on a VOA channel. At the height of the Zimbabwean crisis, The Committee to Protect Journalists reported that Zimbabwe had the highest number of journalists (estimated to be around 90 at the time) living outside their country, making it ‘one of the largest groups of exiled journalists in the world’ (Nyakunu, 2005). Apart from closures related to legal restrictions, the intensification of the economic meltdown also took a heavy toll on newspapers. A case in point was the closure in 1997, due to financial problems, of The Sunday Mirror and its sister publication, The Daily Mirror, both owned by a Zanu PF aligned intellectual and business entrepreneur, Dr Ibo Mandaza. The closure meant further constriction of the country’s media space both in terms of employment opportunities and availability of voices alternative to that of government. The only 8

other newspapers that acted as a counterweight to the government owned media were The Financial Gazette, The Zimbabwe Independent and The Standard (the latter two were owned by South African based Zimbabwean businessman and owner of the South African based Mail & Guardian, Tervor Ncube), and The Zimbabwean, which is published in London, by a former ANC executive, Wilf Mbanga. Consequently, during the run up to the 2008 elections government had an upper hand in terms of access to the media. In order to ensure equal access to the media by political parties and candidates, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission produced guidelines for both the electoral and print media (MMPZ, 2008). The guidelines required the media to give all political parties and candidates, fair, accurate, balanced and complete coverage in the news. Further, the guidelines noted that, while the media were not obliged to air or publish political advertisements of political parties and candidates they emphasized that when they carry advertising material, they were supposed to offer the same terms and conditions of publication without discrimination and that the price to be charged for publication should be the lowest rate offered to commercial advertisements. In addition, the guidelines stressed that the publication of political advertisements should clearly identify them as such (MMPZ, 2008). In the previous elections, notably in 2002 and 2005, the state broadcaster had implemented its own “Golden Rules” on political advertising and in the 2005 elections ZBC and the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) implemented the Broadcasting Services Act (Access to Radio and Television During an Election), but opposition groups and civil society organizations cast aspersions on the credibility of these guidelines given the influence of the government on these entities. It is worth noting that, although the 2008 harmonized elections were conducted in a relatively free environment compared to the previous elections, both in terms of access to the media and political participation, opposition groups and civil society organizations were not convinced about the freeness of the media environment.

Literature Review and Conceptual Framework

This study is a thematic content analysis of political advertising used by various political parties during Zimbabwe’s 29 March, 2008 harmonized elections with a view to shedding light on the reciprocal connection between political advertising and political practices and culture in Zimbabwe. The literature that is most suitable to this study is that which analyses the various functional dimensions of political advertising. Holtz-Bacha and Kaid (2006, p3) define political advertising as a “means through which parties and candidates present themselves to the electorate, mostly through the mass media”.

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Kaid and Holtz-Bacha (1995, p2) also define political advertising as “any format under the control of the party or candidate and for which time is given or purchased”. It is different from regular news coverage in the sense that it is precluded from newsroom gate-keeping practices. Because of the critical role political advertising plays in Western democracies, it is increasingly becoming a fertile area for academic inquiry (see Jamieson, 1989; Shapiro & Shyles, 1991; Kaid & Johnston, 1991; Rieger, 1992; Johnson,-Cartee & Copeland, 1993; Kaid & Holtz-Bacha, 1995;). However, literature on political advertising on the African continent is troubling scant. Even in the context of the developed world more attention is focused on the electronic media political advertising than on the press, and yet the press remains an influential force in public opinion formation, even in the face of numerous threats from emerging media (Ewart, 2003). Within the context of stable Western democracies literature on political advertising tends largely falls into three broad categories, namely, cognitive effects of political advertising on voting behavior (Ansolabehere & Iyengar, 1995, Brader, 2005), rhetorical analysis of political advertising ( Braund 1978, Devlin, 1993,) and functional analysis of political advertising (Benoit, 1999; 2000; Johnston & Kaid, 2002,).

Impact of Political Advertising on Voting Behaviour

A great deal of literature in this category comprises of empirical studies on the impact of political advertising on voting behaviour. Holtz-Bacha and Kaid (2006) argue that the weakening of traditional social structures has resulted in the ascendancy of political advertising. However, there is no consensus on the actual effect of political advertising on the electorate, since their reception is mediated by a complex set of socio-cultural, political, environmental and legal factors and the medium used. What exactly political adverts can do to the voters is subject to debate. Some scholars argue that political adverts educate, entertain and inform voters, (Johnston & Kaid 2002; Pauly, 2009). Others argue that political advertising can increase citizen engagement with political issues. Jaeho (2007, p22), for instance, has observed that the volume of campaign adverts in the media increases the citizens’ use of the news media, suggesting that when there are more political adverts in the media, citizens become more inclined to discuss political matters. Brader (2005 argues that campaign adverts encourage voters to participate in elections by appealing to their emotions. The main weakness of these studies is that their findings cannot easily be generalized because they put emphasis on cognitive characteristics which are bound to vary from one context to another. The cognitive attributes of voters is mediated by a complex web of socio-cultural, political factors, which cannot easily be isolated. The present study does not wish to engage 10

further on this debate, since the main objective is to explore how political advertising impacts on a country’s political system.

Rhetorical Analysis of Political Advertising

Closely linked to empirical studies on the impact of political advertising on voting behaviour is the work on rhetorical analysis of campaign adverts. The primary focus of these studies has been the rhetorical strategies, styles, formats, and techniques, used by political candidates during elections. These studies apply different approaches and techniques in order to understand the content of political adverts. Johnston (2006) notes that in the United States and France the rhetorical approach has been used to identify the visions in acceptance speeches and political advertising. Other scholars have examined elements of argumentation in television advertisements on Quebec television during the 1993 Canadian Federal elections (Gauthier cited in Johnston, 2006, p17). The relevance of this strand of literature to the present study is that rhetorical analysis focus on the content of political advertisements, and are able to shed light on myths and ideologies embedded in political advertisements. Through rhetorical analysis, one is able to understand how political advertising shapes and is shaped by the political culture of a society. While the present study does not necessarily focus on the rhetoric of political advertising in Zimbabwe, it is helpful to pay close attention to rhetorical techniques used by the different political parties during Zimbabwe’s 2008 elections because they provide insights on the political culture of a society.

Functional Analysis of Political Advertising

A growing body of literature, somewhat linked to rhetorical analysis, is the body of literature which focuses on the functions of political advertisements. This strand of literature explores normative functions of political advertising using thematic content analysis, descriptive or exploratory approaches (Merrit, 1984; Benoit, 1997; Benoit et al 1998; Benoit, 2000; Lee and Benoit, 2004). Generally, scholars are unanimous about the categorization of functions of political advertising, with most acknowledging that political advertisements serve three functions, namely, (1) To attack the opponent; (2) to acclaim; and (3) to defend themselves (Semmler et al. 2009, p3) 11

While attack adverts seek to reduce the desirability of an opponent, acclaim adverts seek to portray the sponsor of the advert in the best possible light. Defense adverts are meant for the sponsor to rebut information that may reduce his/her desirability (Semmler, et al., 2000, p 8). Benoit (cited by Semmler, et al. 2009) notes that presidential advertising employs more acclaims than attacks. Benoit, (2000, p275) argues that challengers are more likely to make attacks than incumbents, while incumbents are more inclined to use acclaims than challengers. A second level of categorizing political adverts relates to whether they are focusing on issues or personality or character. Some scholars go further to make connections between these two categories, noting that ideals are easier to acclaim than attack. For instance, it is easier to acclaim some goals like education than to attack them (Benoit, 2000, p290). Benoit has also observed that the incidence of defences correlates with the frequency of attacks, and that incumbents use more acclaims than challengers, who tend to rely more on attacks (Benoit, 2000, p291). This literature is valuable to the present study in the sense that understanding how political actors package their advertising messages may help one to understand the attitudes of politicians towards one another, towards the office they are aspiring for, their conception of power and perception of the citizen. Thus, one would be able to understand the complex web of factors that shape political advertising and how political advertising in turn shapes the political culture of a society.

Political Advertising in an African Context

Although political advertising is in its infancy, there are indications that there is a growing use of it in the political arena and academic interest in it is growing (see Bertelsen, 1996; Wiltman & Thiam 2006; Zvayi, 2006; Teer-Tomaselli, 2006; Osuagwu, 2008). Much of the literature on political advertising in the African context still lacks theoretical and methodological coherence. The colonial legacy of the African continent characterized by centuries of underdevelopment has negatively impacted upon the growth of African media and political systems. This has been compounded by a myriad of socio-economic and political problems in the post colony related to political systems where competition is discouraged rather than encouraged. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent triumph of neoliberalism coupled with the tidal wave of “democratization”, elections are becoming more mediated. Wittmann and Thiam (2006, p417) who use a historical approach to understanding the development of political advertising in West Africa, rightly point out how socio-economic and political transformations in the post colony linked to liberalization of the economies, constitutional reforms, introduction of multi-party systems, liberalization of the media sector, 12

and technological innovations, have nutured political advertising. Tomaselli (2006) has also examined how dramatic changes in South Africa’s socio-economic landscape have shaped the development of political advertising. She notes how political advertising transformed from being sporadic and rudimentary during the dark days of apartheid, where voting was a prerogative of a few, to the sophisticated campaigns managed by consultants after independence in 1994. She demonstrates how political advertising is shaped by a host of environmental factors, such as politics, economics and culture. For instance, the fact that apartheid was a repressive and closed system of governance meant that the media system remained restricted and only served a few middle class elite. With the coming of independence and political pluralism in the new dispensation, there was also the liberalization of the media sector, particularly the broadcasting sector, which previously was meant to promote the ideology and culture of the minority whites. Tomaselli also discusses the content of television political advertisements between 1994 and 1999 and makes very important observations in relation to how political advertising reflects the tensions of a managed political transition. Her observation that the 1994 elections that ushered in a new political dispensation and where no political party was guaranteed of an outright win were characterized by more negativity and belligerence, compared to the 2004 elections, where “messages were muted” and with “very little controversy” is very valid and goes to show how political advertising shapes and is shaped by the political system (Tomaselli, 2006, p437-438). Bertelsen, (1996) has also studied South Africa’s 1994 elections, focusing on the advertising strategies adopted by major political parties during the run-up to the election. She argues that, like in all “Uhuru elections”, loyalties in the 1994 elections in South Africa were decided well before the elections began. Most recently, Sidane (2010, p144) who studied television political advertisements during the 2009 South African elections, focusing on their implication for democracy, observed that most political advertisements were informative, as they focused more on issues rather than on the images of political contestants, and in many instances the images were used to reinforce the message. She however, notes a drawback, which was the use images of children, women and the disabled people to create emotional appeals. Overall. she sees both positive and negative implications for political advertising, the positive being that political advertising creates opportunities for the citizen to make information. She argues that these “images of emotional despair” commoditize politics, thereby undermining democracy (Sindane, 2006, p150-151). Although Sindane and other African scholars raise issues that are pertinent to the present study their focus is more on political advertising in the medium. This means that political advertising in the press, which is the specific focus of this study, remains an understudied area. A content analysis of press political advertisements during Zimbabwe’s 2000 and 2002 elections, which examines style and characteristics of political advertisements, is one of the very 13

few studies that specifically focus on the press (Zvayi, 2006). The study sought to establish the relationship between party policies and the nature of political advertisements used by political parties, and argues that the nature of party political campaign is influenced by party policies and the desire by political parties “to depart from issue based campaigns to emotional appeals through image and attack ads” (Zvayi, 2006, p3). Zvayi further argues that political parties or candidates without policies tend to attack their opponents while, those that are policy-oriented tend to use positive advertising. Like, Sindane, Bertelsen and, to some extent, Tomaselli, Zvayi sees negative advertising as detrimental to democratic practices. His view that negative political adverts are necessarily undesirable has been discredited by some scholars who argue that, instead of demobilizing voters, political adverts can motivate voters to seek more information, thereby enhancing participation in electoral processes (Marcus & Mackuen, cited by Crigler et al. 2002, p2). Even elaborate experimental studies on negative advertisements have produced mixed, if not contradictory results, rendering the debate inconclusive. This underscores the fact that the impact of adverts on the electorate is a complex issue which requires further academic scrutiny. Rather than further engage on this protracted debate, one finds it more fruitful to investigate the complex interplay between political advertising and political practices in socially fractured societies of the developing world. The present study, therefore, does not wish to engage further on the debate about the supposed impacts of political advertising on democratic processes, but rather seeks to chart new theoretical paths on the manner in which political advertising and politics reciprocally engage one another. The next section of the paper is a thematic analysis of political adverts used by three political parties during the 29 March 2008 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe. These are Zanu PF, the main faction of the MDC (MDC-Tsvangirai) and Simba Makoni’s Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile.9

Change or Continuity: Framing of Political Party and Candidate Framing The 2008 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe were held against a backdrop of the worst economic crisis in the history of the country, with inflation raging in the stratosphere and the 9

No adverts belonging to the smaller faction of the MDC (MDC-M) were found. This, however, does not necessarily mean that the party did not have any adverts, but could be a result of the weakness of the sampling method used for the study, and also the lack of financial base by most smaller parties. Also, it could be a result of the fact that this faction of the MDC did not field a Presidential candidate, choosing to support the former Minister of Finance, (also former Zanu PF politburo member) Simba Makoni who had defected from Zanu PF.

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local currency having ceased to be legal tender. Unprecedented unemployment levels and the collapse of social services having reached unimaginable levels. As a consequence, the opposition campaign message revolved around the change for leadership renewal and the need for the country to start afresh. Zanu PF, however, stressed the need to safeguard the liberation struggle legacy, which they perceived was under threat from imperialist forces, led by Britain, the United States of America and fronted by the local opposition, (MDC). As a result, the March 29, 2008 harmonized elections were very much about personalities, as much as they were about change. The conventional wisdom then was that the resolution of the country’s crises was predicated on the departure of President Robert Mugabe from office. Mugabe was perceived by the local opposition groups and the West as the sole author of the country’s crises, and, therefore, his removal would be the magic wand needed to resolve the country’s problems. Political advertising campaigns echoed or simply amplified messages in the popular press, which in the highly polarized context mobilized opinion around the personalities of the key political protagonists in the 2008 electoral race. Inevitably, campaigns were dominated more by election attacks than policy issues, although it is worth noting that in some instances attacks were inseparable from policy issues. For instance, in an advert whose title was “SEVEN DEGREES NOT GRADE SEVENS”, (See Appendix 1) Zanu PF, which boasts about excellent educational policies, and ridicules the MDC-T leader for wanting to “turn Zimbabwe into a Nation of Grade Sevens”. Ridiculing Tsvagirai for his lack of formal tertiary education, Zanu PF had an advert which reminded the electorate that RG Mugabe had given his children good education, “but someone who knows himself only too well, thinks you deserve less…”. The advert claimed that the Zanu PF government had built schools, achieved 96% literacy rate10, and had built twelve universities, many technical colleges and had given “your children computers to modernize education”. The advert further claims that Tsvangira spurned adult literacy programmes offered by Mugabe after independence and continues to fight access to education through Timba (Jameson Timba)11. Through use of word puns (Mugabe himself has seven studied degrees, and several honorary degrees) and caricature, the advert was meant to minimize Tsvangira’s electability, while enhancing Mugabe’s chances of being re-elected. In another advert (Appendix 2) Zanu PF sought to portray the MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, as a puppet of the West. The party published a file photography of Tsvagirai, flanked by party officials and Western diplomats, outside the Harare magistrate courts and was captioned: WHAT HE MEANS WHEN HE SAYS HE IS MORE…. 10

A 2010 UN report put the rate at 92%

11

Jameson Timba, now a Minster of State in Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s office was then the chairman of the association of Schools Trust (ATS) a body representing Trust Schools in the country.

15

This was a response to Tsvangirai’s adverts (“Morgan is More”) which sought to capitalize on rhyming words to promote his social, economic and policy agenda. By associating Tsvangirai with white diplomats, Zanu PF sought to invoke the colonial history of the country, where blacks were oppressed by whites, and perhaps to insinuate that voting for him was tantamount to the exhumation of the colonial ghost. The advert sought to make capital out of the revulsion of the colonial regime by the black population. In addition, the theme of Tsvangirai as a sell out or puppet was buttressed through direct quotations of “conflicting” statements made by Tsvangirai in different fora, thus creating an impression he had different policy positions for the domestic and local audience (see Appendix 3). By using “Tsvangirai’s own words” Zanu PF adverts sought to portray Tsvangirai as someone who hoisting himself with his own petard, rather than a victim of fabrication.

Like Zanu PF, MDC did not just use adverts to attack, but they also used them to articulate its policies, while also parodying Zanu PF for its “politics of blame, for living in the past and employing violent means to cow the electorate (see Appendix 4). The advert suggested that ZANU PF sought to divide the nation by harping on the country’s colonial history, further claiming that because of Zanu PF’s economic policies “it costs more to live under this government than under the previous ones”. Part of the text read: You cannot feed people with clenched fists. Fists don’t create employment. The MDC Economic plan will create an open society for growth, investment and fair wages that we can be proud of. Economic freedom is achievable when we fight for the economic good of Zimbabwe’s people, not only its politics.

In another advert (see Appendix 5) the MDC attacks the Zanu Pf government for presiding over the collapse the social services sector. Part of the text reads: Our health care is sick Free ARVs We have the treatment The cost of drugs skyrockets sending our national temperature into convulsions. We cannot carry on treating ourselves this way. Quality, affordable health care which rewards our hard-working health workers, nurses, and doctors. A healthy Zimbabwe is a prosperous Zimbabwe You know what to do. Morgan is More

16

For HEALTH.

Another MDC advert which attacked the Zanu PF leadership of corruption read thus: Young people are tired of patronage and corruption. Huge pay-outs for shady deals. Just political connections. Honest Zimbabweans have had enough. No more political corruption. ( see Appendix

6).

Independent presidential candidate (running under the auspices of Mavambo/Kusile/Dwan) was not left out in the frenzy for attack advertising. Claiming that he was the unifier, Makoni sought to claim the mantle of de-polarizing the Zimbabwean society by claiming that he was working with everybody (see Appendix 7). Further, he claimed that he was “working hard to ensure that all Zimbabweans participate in nation-building regardless of political affiliation, contrary to others who were “threatening never to work with certain groups” and others who were caught up in internal fights”. Through his adverts Makoni was not only able to make certain claims, but also make his competitors (Mugabe and Tsvangirai) appear less electable. The statement about others vowing “never to work with certain groups” could have been directed at MDC-T leader Moragn Tsvangirai who had poured cold water on suggestions that the opposition should work as a common front if Mugabe was to be dislodged from power. The statement about “others caught up in infighting” could have been a veiled reference to whispers about Zanu Pf factional fighting, and speculations about defections after Makoni had left Zanu PF. An observation made here is that all the political advertisements used by the three political parties were not just meant to attack, acclaim or defend, but combined different functions. Political parties sought to make maximum impact by articulating their visions, attacking opponents, as well as defending themselves. Another observation is that while Zanu PF, which had the advantage of incumbency, made proclamations about its past record, the MDC and Simba Makoni’s Mavambo, made claims about the future (good wages, open society, better health care etc).This demonstrates that political advertisements do not necessarily make claims about policy issues, attack or defend only, but can actually combine all these elements. Political parties or candidates can produce adverts that combine all three elements in one advert, in order to maximize impact. In addition, it can also be observed that the communicative modes the attack adverts, their tenor, style, content and sub-text, reveal to us the social and political tensions and polarities that characterized the Zimbabwean society at the time. Messages in the adverts reveal political intrigues, violence, corruption, social and political divisions, the hope, fear, fury and political gamesmanship which characterized Zimbabwean politics at the time. Makoni’s advert quoted below gives an insight into the prevailing political culture in the country at the time. It reads thus:

17

An elected leader should be a servant of the people, not master. Zimbabwe needs a President who will create a government of national unity, embracing all political parties. A President who will remove all political, racial, ethnic and other superficial barriers. A president who will facilitate and encourage self-reliance and self-determination A President who will remove the command and control culture that has put the people of Zimbabwe into bandage.

Through these adverts one is able to get an insight on the prevailing social and political norms in a society, while at the same time getting an appreciation of the socio-economic and political imperatives that shape certain kinds of political advertising. The political polarization and the spirit of suspicion and the culture of blame that existed at the time made it inevitable for political campaigns to dwell more on personal attacks rather than policy issues.

Bread and Butter: Political Advertising, Politics and the Economy Never before in the country’s electoral history had the economy become the most single factor in an election than in the March 29 harmonized elections. A few weeks before the election, inflation reached 100 000%, unemployment 80%, prices of basic commodities were going up every hour and the local currency was totally worthless. As a consequence, the economy became the most decisive focal point of electoral campaigns. A writer in one of the privately-owned newspapers predicted that Zanu Pf would lose the elections to the MDC because of the parlous state of the economy. He wrote thus: Forget Morgan and Simba, forget Gordon and George, President Mugabe’s number one enemy is the state of the economy, carefully authored by successive archaic and narrow minded policies deeply rooted in Zanu PF’s imagined war against the British and Americans.

Different political parties employed different rhetorical devices to accentuate the issue of the economy. MDC, which blamed Zanu PF for the economic collapse, used different metaphors to accentuate the parlous state of the economy. For example, one advert (see Appendix 8) used the metaphor of a loaf of bread to signify an economy whose size was gradually diminishing since 1990. The diminishing size of the loaf of bread also signified increasing poverty among the population, who were paying a high price by putting up with the Zanu PF government. The message in the advert suggests that by retaining the Zanu PF government in power, the electorate was condemning itself to a life of penury. Within the context of runaway inflation that was being experienced at the time, the advert could easily have struck a chord with popular sentiments. This advert clearly demonstrates that politics and economics are intricately interlinked, and that political advertising can be a terrain upon which this connection plays itself out. In another 18

advert, the MDC used a supermarket trolley overflowing with commodities to show that the MDC envisaged a prosperous future for the nation, and not the life of suffering that the country was going through. Part of the text read: When you have good ideas, you get full shelves, Zimbabwe’s manufacturers and retailers, and workers are not to blame for empty shelves. A responsible government creates full shelves. Now go shopping.

The advert made indirect reference to the nationwide clampdown by the Zanu PF government in 2007, on manufacturers and retailers allegedly, “wantonly increasing” prices of commodities. The government accused business people for trying to sabotage the government and claimed that they were using prices of basic commodities to incite revolt against the government. In a backlash business people withdrew commodities from the shelves, resulting in an acute shortage of basic commodities during the run-up to the election. The MDC, therefore, sought to present itself as a party with business friendly policies, which would benefit the economy. This again shows that politics and economics are inseparable, and the political advert can be a potent medium for representing the interplay between the two. While the MDC blamed Zanu PF for the perilous shape of the economy, Zanu PF, which had used the land reform as the fulcrum of its campaign in previous elections, and coined the slogan, “Land is the Economy, the Economy is Land’ accused the MDC for wanting to reverse the gains of independence. For Zanu PF, therefore, the 2008 was about securing, with finality, the country’s national heritage. In its campaign messages, Zanu PF, therefore singled out land is the single most important national question, and that land signified national sovereignty and the economy and the economy. One of its adverts partly read thus: 

Land belongs to the People of Zimbabwe. It is their Birthright, Sovereignty, Identity and Economy.



Throughout colonial history, Land was the Number One Grievance for our People. It was and remains the foremost National Question.



The First, Second and Third Chimurenga were about freeing our Land to regain our Sovereignty.



Zanu (PF) is the only Party which championed and struggled for People’s right to their land.



Through the Third Chimurenga, Zanu PF delivered Land to the people of Zimbabwe. The opposition chose to collaborate with white settlers who funded it.



Zanu (PF) declares that Land has come for ever. The era of colonial white settlers is over and anyone working to reverse Land Reforms is an enemy of the Zimbabwean People. The Land must be defended by any means

Apart from making policy proclamations about the economy, which revolved around land, Zanu Pf also blamed the MDC for trying to protect the economic interests of the minority 19

whites. In one of the adverts, headlined “Do not sign away your Beautiful Zimbabwe”, Zanu PF published a CNN file photograph of white commercial farmers signing cheques for the newly formed MDC, with Tsvangirai in the background clapping hands (see Appendix 10). The advert sought to portray Tsvangirai as someone who worked for foreign interests. While the MDC aimed to revive the economy by promulgating business friendly policies, Zanu PF viewed land as the most important element of the economy, and securing it would bring prosperity to the people of Zimbabwe. Apart from the land, Zanu PF also published adverts to highlight achievements scored through its agricultural mechanization and indigenization programmes as testimony that “ZIMBAWE IS ALREADY WORKING”. Independent Presidential candidate, Simba Makoni highlighted the economic suffering and urged people to go and vote in large numbers, in order to achieve a “better life”. In an advert headlined “Easter Message from Zimbabwe” (Appendix 11) Makoni implored urbanites to spread the message about his candidature to the rural populace, by “word of mouth”. That Makoni had to rely on oral communication underscores the restrictive nature of the country’s political terrain, meaning that adverts became an avenue for circumventing these restrictions. Through political adverts, Makoni was not only able to make policy proclamations, but also attack the ruling party for poor economic policies, which resulted in a life of “misery” for the nation. In another advert labeled “THE HOLLOW TRUTH IN BLACK AND WHITE” Makoni buttressed his view that the Zanu PF government (ironically, which he had been part of for 28 years) was to blame for the economic collapse. Part of the text in the advert read thus: Vote for a President who is dedicated to ensuring that essential services remain essential.

This was another indirect reference to the absence of basic commodities in supermarkets, blamed on President Mugabe’s “ruinous economic policies”, according to his opponents. For Makoni, therefore, the facts about the causative factors of the economic collapse were laid bare. The examples discussed above show that, rather than serving a single purpose, political adverts can be used to acclaim, attack, defend, accuse or even blame. Further, the issues that engage with reflect the rough contours of Zimbabwean politics at the time, and one is able to gain insights into the adversarial political culture of Zimbabwe.

Political advertising, Politics and the Discourse of Sanctions Sanctions, whether “targeted” or “untargeted”, imposed on Zimbabwe by Western countries have been one of the most enduring controversies in academic circles, the media and other public discourses. Chingono (2010, p67) notes that controversy on the causal factors has “escalated disagreement on the exact nature and most significantly the lingo used in reference to the Zimbabwean sanctions”. Inevitably, the manner in which different political parties constructed the issue in their campaign messages depended on their ideological positions. For 20

Zanu PF, the 2008 election was multi-pronged. It was about defeating “puppets, Bush, Brown and their sanctions”12 as much as it was meant to “punish and forever silence sanction-mongers” (the MDC). The party used testimonials to prove to the electorate that sanctions were real and that they were not targeted. For example, in an advert headlined SANCTIONS ARE REAL” and partly, read “IN CASE YOU DO NOT KNOW, THIS IS WHAT AMERICA’S GEORGE BUSH DID TO OUR COUNTRY ONLY THIS TUESDAY, 4TH MARCH 2008”, an excerpt of an “Executive Order” by President George Bush to extend sanctions on the Zanu PF leadership (Appendix, 13). In another advert headlined “THEY TELL YOU SANCTIONS ARE “SMART”, TARGETED OR EVEN NON-EXISTENT”. Zanu PF used another testimonial, featuring an extract from BBC sport report, whereby the British government was reportedly considering preventing the Zimbabwean cricket team from touring England. Part of the text read: These Sports People and Ordinary Zimbabweans will tell you THEY ARE NOT! (Appendix

14).

Another advert headlined “Do not sign away your Beautiful Zimbabwe” (Appendix 15) Zanu PF also reproduced a statement by former British Premier, Tony Blair, addressing the British parliament in June 2004. Blair is reported to have said: On the latter two points, we work closely with the MDC on the measures that we should take in respect of Zimbabwe, although I am afraid that these measures and sanctions, although we have them in place, are of limited effect on the Mugabe regime.

By directly quoting statements and pictorial material from unfriendly sources and opponents, Zanu PF sought to enhance the credibility of its messages, by suggesting that what the electorate were getting was not second hand reality. The testimonial approach in political advertising enables the sponsor of a message to package messages that are multi-dimensional. Through testimonials, one is able to acclaim, attack, defend or simply lay bare the facts, thereby minimizing the desirability of opponents while enhancing theirs. The other significance of these messages is that one is able to gain insights on the kind of political mudslinging, smear campaigns, blame games, and political machinations that were emblematic of Zimbabwe at the time. Inevitably, different political parties and candidates employed advertising strategies and techniques with great potential to polarize citizens and promote intolerance.

12

The Zanu PF government accused the former British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown and the then US President George Bush of harbouring a regime change agenda through the imposition of sanctions.

21

Political Advertising, Human Rights and Violence

Although Zimbabwean elections have always been characterized by allegations and counter-accusations of violence, the post 2000 period was far much more associated with violent electoral campaigns than the previous ones. Within this context, Zanu PF, which has been blamed by opposition for using violent means to gain votes used adverts to prove that it was actually its opponents, the MDC which were more violent. A number of adverts on violence sought to paint the MDC-T as the main culprit. Again, using testimonial messages, Zanu PF sought to portray the MDC-T, particularly its leader, Tsvangirai, as having an inclination for violence and undemocratic tendencies. In one of the adverts, excerpts of statements by Tsvangirai’s compatriots disparaging him for promoting violence in the party were reproduced (Appendix 16). Part of the text featured statements by former key allies of Tsvangirai, David Coltart and Welsman Ncube after the MDC split in 2005, and read thus:

The Tsvangirai faction has shown no inclination whatsoever to deal with this cancer [of violence…] if we do not prevent leaders with violent inclinations from gaining high office within the opposition, they will naturally assume influential positions in government and once they have done so, they will then have access to all the levers of national government power, a far more frightening prospect. Given their nature, which is there for all to see, there is no doubt that they will continue to use violent methods they employed in opposition in government.

-David Coltart We must be democratic before we are in fact in government. We must be non-violent before we are in government, we must be transparent and we must not be corrupt…To that extent, you squarely say that for some of us, we believe that the tendencies we saw in Tsvangirai and those around him tended to demonstrate to us that we were facing a real possibility that we will have a false beginning in Zimbabwe, a false change.

-Welshman Ncube Another Zanu PF advert (Appendix 17) headlined “WHAT HE MEANS WHEN HE SAYS HE IS MORE” featured file photographs of a burnt car and an injured and hospitalized former member of the mainstream MDC (Trudy Stevenson) (Appendix 17). The pictures were supposed to speak for themselves about MDC-T’s alleged record of violence.13

13

The burnt car was taken from a story in the state press alleging that MDC supporters had destroyed property during street protests. Trudy Stevenson’s story had also appeared in the state-controlled The Herald, and was allegedly beaten up by MDC supporters during the party’s acrimonious split in 2005.

22

Another one featured a file photography of a woman burnt from the head, allegedly by MDC supporters (Appendix 18) also meant to buttress the message that MDC was prone to violence. While MDC did not directly address the theme of violence per-se it sought to approach the issue from the broader framework of human rights and good governance. In one of its adverts the party reproduced file photographs showing a caterpillar razing to the ground urban houses (dubbed illegal structures) during a 2005 government-lead operation (Operation Murambatsvina/Drive Out filth), meant to rid all urban areas of unauthorized buildings. Juxtaposed to the caterpillar is a photograph of family members wailing, supposedly because their house had been destroyed. Through these images the MDC sought to portray Zanu PF as callous, uncaring and, therefore, unfit to rule. The text of the advert was in Shona, the main indigenous languages spoken in the country, perhaps to appeal to a wider audience, including the urban poor who bore the brunt of the clean- up operation. This underscores the fact that during elections, political parties invest in messages that appeal to common people. In line with its human rights manifesto, the MDC also published adverts accentuating the mainstreaming of gender “so that women and men could enjoy equal rights and opportunities” in the new political dispensation. Simba Makoni’s Mavambo formation also highlighted its progressive policies, noting that “Out of the 6 Senatorial Constituencies Mavambo has 3 Women Candidates Running”. Through these political adverts, politicians are able to address the issues that resonate with concerns of the common man. At the same time, these advertisements capture vividly the ideological tensions between different political formations, and how they seek to transform the political culture of the nation.

Political Advertising, Popular Culture and Political Culture

The way in which political advertising is reciprocally linked to the political culture of a society can best be demonstrated through an examination of how political advertising connects with popular cultural practices. In the 2008 harmonized elections different political parties employed rhetorical techniques that directly speak to the acrimonious competition that characterized Zimbabwean politics, whereby politics was viewed as a zero-sum game. An illustration of the acrimonious competition is an MDC-T advert, headlined “VICTORY VOTE” (denoting the three presidential candidates in 2008 election), with the number 1 athlete stretching his arms in celebration of his victory, and the number 2 and 3 following behind him. Part of the text read: The People’s Victory 23

You ‘have run through so many hardships until today. My fellow Zimbabweans, we shall celebrate the victory together. Nothing is stopping us and nothing shall stop you!

While the MDC-T used the metaphor of athletics to represent the electoral contest, independent Presidential candidate, Simba Makoni also used the metaphor of football. While some can only be substitutes without the stamina to last the full match… And others can only play with fists of pain… Only Simba Makoni has the strength to last the whole match and play in peace and love Simba…KaOne Simba Makoni Simba Kuvanhu! aMandla EBANTWINI! (POWER TO THE PEOPLE)

Using word puns (Simba in Shona means strength) Makoni parodies his opponents, Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, the former for using violence against his opponents (“fists of pain”), and the latter for lacking the will and courage to withstand the competition. Makoni claimed that he was the only one who could win peacefully. Makoni’s advert alludes to issues like election violence, which had become a major concern among some sections of the population. The use of sports metaphors does not only give insights on the adversarial competition in Zimbabwean politics at the time, but also demonstrate how politics and popular culture interconnect. Through political advertising, politicians are able to bolster their messages by appropriating popular cultural techniques. Sports demand a lot of rigor and sheer determination, and for one to win they must demonstrate exceptional skills. Politics is often constructed as a game and like sports, it does not only demand strength and determination, but also tactical skill for one to survive. The metaphors used in these adverts serve to show that politics in Zimbabwe has been characterized as “bending the rules of the game”, intolerance, plots and sub-plots, political machinations, party splits, blame games and political gamesmanship. In turn, through an understanding of the various techniques and the different rhetorical practices one is able to better understand how such a political culture impacts on political advertising techniques.

Concluding Remarks

This paper has discussed political advertisements used by different political parties and candidates in Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonized elections. The paper notes how campaign messages by different political parties mirror the social, political and economic struggles as well as the dynamics of change. In addition, the paper discussed how political advertising borrows elements of popular culture as a way of enhancing the efficacy of political messages. It also noted that political adverts used in the 2008 Zimbabwean election mirror the contours of a changing sociopolitical landscape. The dominance of negative campaign messages adverts over positive ones, demonstrates how political advertising has been influenced by political practices, where politics 24

is regarded as a winner take all or a zero sum game. The implication is that politics and political advertising polarizes citizens, thereby undermining national unity and national-building. The winner take all culture, exhibited in some of the campaign messages means that political actors and their supporters will regard one another as enemies rather than encourage healthy competition, where people work towards the common good of the country. Political adverts, therefore risk being the new breeding ground for political intolerance, rather than terrains of reasoned engagement.

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The Southern Times (2010) Zimbabwe has highest literacy rate in Africa, 16 July, 2010. Waldahl, R. (2004), Politics and Persuasion: Media Coverage of Zimbabwe’s 2000 Election, Harare, Weaver Press. Waldahl, R. (2004), Politics and Persuasion: Media Coverage of Zimbabwe’s 2000 Election, Harare, Weaver Press. ZAMPS (2010) Zimbabwe All Media Survey Product www.researchlive.com/news/new...zamps.../4004147.article on 25 March, 2011

Zimbabwe People (2010) The Great Zimbabwe Story, Retrieved from http://zimbabwepeople.blogspot.com/2010/01/zimnbabwe-tv-htm on 14 July 2011. Zvayi, C., (2006) Politics on Sale: A study of political advertising in Zimbabwe, 2000-2002, Unpublished MA Dissertation, English and Media Studies Department, University of Zimbabwe.

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