Recent Research in Western Mexican Archaeology - Springer Link

J Archaeol Res (2010) 18:41–109 DOI 10.1007/s10814-009-9034-x

Recent Research in Western Mexican Archaeology Christopher S. Beekman

Published online: 2 September 2009 Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009

Abstract Western Mexico is vast and geographically diverse and has received far less attention compared to other areas of Mesoamerica. Research over the past decade allows the definition of four major subregions characterized by cultural factors and distinct historical trajectories. A large proportion of the research in western Mexico is still culture-historical in nature, oriented toward establishing chronologies and relationships between regions. But along with a number of recent efforts toward synthesis and consolidation, current theoretical research contributes to the study of mortuary patterns and social organization, alternative forms of social complexity, agricultural intensification, empire formation, state involvement in the economy, human-land relationships, and the interlocking relationship between migration and sociopolitical reorganization. Keywords Mesoamerica Mortuary practices Social complexity Human ecology Empire Migration

Introduction In this review article I consider recent archaeological research in the states of Nayarit, Jalisco, Colima, and Michoacań, and the southern parts of Sinaloa, Zacatecas, Guanajuato, and Quere´taro, which together constitute the far western portion of the larger culture area of Mesoamerica (Fig. 1). All of these states have been included at one time or another in regional summaries of West Mexico (Braniff 2004; Ca´rdenas 2004; Foster and Gorenstein 2000; Gorenstein 2000; Levine 1999; Nelson 2001; Olay Barrientos 1996, 1997; Pollard 1997; Williams

C. S. Beekman (&) Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado Denver, Denver, CO 80217-3364, USA e-mail: [email protected]

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Fig. 1 Map of western Mexico showing important rivers and lakes, modern Mexican states, and cultural subregions. Lake basins: 1 San Pedro, 2 Magdalena, 3 La Vega, 4 Atotonilco, 5 Zacoalco, 6 San Marcos, 7 Sayula, 8 Chapala, 9 San Nicolas, 10 Zacapu, 11 Cuitzeo, 12 Pa´tzcuaro. Valleys - 13 Banderas, 14 Tequila, 15 San Juan, 16 Malpaso, 17 Suchil

2004; Zepeda Garcıá Moreno 2001), but this is a large and diverse region and some of the parts fit together awkwardly, if at all. There are two ways in which this area has been conceptualized in recent years. First there is the Occidente or West Mexico, a somewhat romanticized term characterizing ´ vila Palafox 1989) that historically was an area distinct from wider Mesoamerica (A composed of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Colima, largely based on the widespread occurrence of shaft and chamber tombs (e.g., Kan et al. 1989) and more recently the distinctive Teuchitlań temple architecture (e.g., Weigand 2000). Southern Sinaloa and southern Zacatecas are frequently added as an afterthought, since the tombs and temples occur there. Because of the impressive Late Postclassic Tarascan (or Pure´pecha) empire, Michoacań is usually included, and the roots of Pure´pecha society are increasingly sought in southern Guanajuato, where examples of the Teuchitlań temple architecture and shaft tombs are found as well. Guerrero is rarely included, except occasionally for the Rıó Balsas Depression along the border with Michoacań. A second perspective, which we might call western Mexico or far western Mesoamerica, sees the region as not meriting characterization as a unified cultural region in any sense (Pollard 1997). In this view, western Mexico has served as something of a catchall for everything west of the Toluca Valley, and there is little merit in continuing to refer to the entire region in cultural terms (detailed historical

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treatments of research can be found in Cabrero Garcıá et al. 2002; Lo´pez Mestas and Lo´pez Cruz 2001; McVicker 2005; Ruı´z 2003; Scho¨ndube 1998a; Sund 2000; Townsend 1998; Viramontes Anzures 2005a; Weigand and Williams 1997). Both characterizations possess some truth. Definitions based excessively on material culture traits tend to atomize the region in a way that passes over similarities in underlying cultural practices. And approaches that seek a unifying identity to the western states fail to recognize that this is an imagined Occidente, one that is frequently used as a conceptual foil to the dominance of the national government in Mexico City and Aztequismo in general. As the western states attempt to construct a regional identity today, it is inevitable that such claims will appropriate prehistory and seek the status of time depth for essentially modernist claims. Implicit or explicit in these discussions is the issue of how Mesoamerican western Mexico really was, and whether interaction with specific sources like Olman, Teotihuacan, or Tula should be used to make that judgment. Mesoamerican practices (Beekman 2003a, b; Jarquıń Pacheco and Martıńez Vargas 2004; Oliveros Morales 2004, 2006) and deities (Aramoni Burguete 2004; Taube 2004, pp. 7, 14, 53, 98, 104, 120, 165) increasingly have been documented in western Mexico, where they have a more diffuse and widespread character that is harder to associate with specific donors to the east. This concern is less important in recent research, and there has been more work on diversity within western Mexico. Archaeological research of the past decade has begun instead to suggest distinct subregions, which began to exhibit different characteristics and historical trajectories beginning in the Formative period. These subregions are the coast, the far western highlands, the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental, and the Bajıó/eastern highlands. I use these subregions, which correspond only partly to geographic distinctions despite their enduring character, to structure this summary. Since my own research area is in the far western highlands of Jalisco, I spend more time on that subregion. This review begins with a brief geographic description of western Mexico, followed by a discussion of general themes that crosscut recent research. I follow with a period-by-period summary that distinguishes between the subregions. Recurring theoretical topics of importance in this discussion include sociopolitical complexity, mortuary patterns, empire formation, political control of economy, human-land relationships, and migration and political collapse/reorganization.

Geographic description and introduction to cultural subregions As in other areas of tropical Mesoamerica, western Mexico’s annual cycle is broken down into a dry season from November through May, and a rainy season from June through October. This has a pronounced effect on streams and even the large lake basins (Fig. 1), many of which become desiccated in the dry season. It is important to note that apart from very basic issues, western Mexico does not form a geographic unity and includes the Neo-Volcanic and Sierra Madre Occidental ranges, the Pacific coastal plain, and the wide valleys of the Bajıó.

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The Pacific coastal plain stretches the entire length of the region, widest along the coast of Sinaloa and northern Nayarit and narrower in Jalisco, Colima, and Michoacań (Mountjoy 2000; Scott and Foster 2000). The most sustained contacts were primarily along the coast, with more limited transportation networks in the interior. The area has a warm and humid environment that supports tropical deciduous forests (INEGI 2008). Besides the possibility of farming along the coast, supported by streams and rivers running down from the highlands, the sea itself provided resources such as seabirds, fish, and shellfish; the latter were valued for their symbolic as well as food value (Beltrań Medina 2004; Go´mez Gaste´lum 2005). The Pacific coast was the seat of precocious social developments in the Archaic period and again in the Postclassic period, when trade networks became increasingly important and sea transport emerged. This geographic area forms a cultural subregion as well (Fig. 1). The Neo-Volcanic axis refers to the west-east mountain range that runs from the Pacific coast to the Gulf of Mexico. The igneous geology of the highlands includes many sources of obsidian, with high-quality sources throughout Jalisco, Michoacań, Guanajuato, and Quere´taro (Darras 1999; Trombold et al. 1993; Weigand et al. 2004). The Ucareo source in northeast Michoacań is of particular significance, and its products appear throughout Mesoamerica from the Early Formative (Healan 2004). Enclosed lake basins such as Cuitzeo, Pa´tzcuaro, Chapala, Sayula, Zacoalco, and Magdalena provided diverse fish and waterfowl in addition to expanses of arable land. Elevations in the western Mexican highlands are generally lower than in central Mexico, so the danger of frost was less (West 1948, Map 3). Probably for these reasons, the highlands were important for nomadic Paleoindians; the resource base also fueled the most centralized regional political systems of the Precolumbian period. Still, there is a notable cultural and temporal distinction between the shaft tomb and Teuchitlań traditions of the western highlands of Jalisco and far western Michoacań versus the enclosed patio tradition and Tarascan empire of the central and eastern Michoacań highlands. This division, unmarked by obvious geographic factors, separates two of the cultural subregions discussed in this article (Fig. 1). The Sierra Madre Occidental parallels the Pacific coast and crosscuts the NeoVolcanic axis. It does not share the same wealth of resources, lacking the diverse lake basins and high-quality sources of obsidian (there are exceptions: Darling 1993, 1998; Darling and Glascock 1998; Spence 1971). The area receives low rainfall and has liminal potential for agriculture; settled life may have fluctuated with broader climatic trends (Armillas 1969), and the region may be more sensitive to human impact. The best-known communities are those along the eastern slopes, where rainfall is supplemented by streams flowing from the higher elevations. The region experienced intense activity during the Epiclassic period, with less evidence for sedentary populations in earlier and later periods. The distinct history and cultural practices associated with the area justify its designation as a separate cultural subregion within western Mexico (Fig. 1). The Bajıó comprises southern Guanajuato and Quere´taro and separates the NeoVolcanic axis from the arid lands of northern Mexico. It is defined by wide temperate valleys at slightly lower elevations than the highlands to the south. Rainfall is low (Wright Carr 1999, pp. 76–77), and northern Guanajuato and central Quere´taro are particularly dry. While geographically distinct from the Michoacań

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highlands to the south, the Bajıó tends to share material culture and practices with that area from the Middle Formative through the Postclassic (Fig. 1). Few major rivers link these different geographic and cultural subregions, but some served as significant conduits for communication in prehistory (Fig. 1). The Rıó Lerma linked central and western Mexico, while the Rıó Balsas Depression provided a conduit to south-central Mexico and Oaxaca. Paleoenvironmental studies of pollen cores, ostracods, lake sediment chemistry, geomorphology, and changes in lake level document long-term climatic variation in areas of western Mexico. Recent syntheses (Fisher et al. 2003; Israde Alcańtara et al. 2005; Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007; Metcalfe et al. 2007; Ruter et al. 2004) indicate that cool and arid temperatures continued after the Younger Dryas until about 9000–8500 B.C., coincident with the establishment of the modern rainfall pattern of high summer precipitation. There followed several cycles of wetter and drier conditions. A dry period that extended into the first millennium A.D. further intensified during the Mesoamerican Epiclassic and Early Postclassic, paralleling evidence from the Yucatan and elsewhere (Hodell et al. 1995); Metcalfe and Davies (2007, p. 169) call this period ‘‘probably the driest of the Holocene.’’ The situation did not reverse toward increased precipitation until A.D. 1200. The languages spoken by ancient populations of western Mexico have been difficult to determine due to the lack of a writing system tied to language and the spotty documentation of native languages by Spanish chroniclers outside of Michoacań. Pure´pecha was spoken widely in Michoacań by the Late Postclassic (and probably well before), although its historic distribution was greatly affected by the expansion of the Tarascan empire. In historic times a variety of southern UtoAztecan languages were spoken in areas farther west and in the Sierra Madre Occidental (Hill 2001; Yań˜ez Rosales 1994, 1998, 2001). The modern extension of Otomanguean languages into the Bajıó should not be projected into the past, as postConquest population movements brought those languages into the region (Reyes Garcıá 1999; Wright Carr 1994). This area and the coast have been the most difficult to characterize linguistically.

Research topics Much research in western Mexico remains cultural-historical, with ceramic typologies and dating occupying much effort. But the growing list of theoretical topics includes interregional interaction, production and exchange, social inequality, mortuary practices, the symbolism of rock art, human adaptation, subsistence intensification, diet, political organization, and diverse studies of symbolism, particularly of objects and their cultural meanings. Researchers continue to make progress with mapping out basic time-space systematics. All dates are presented here on a calibrated radiocarbon timescale unless stated otherwise. I refer to actual dates or to period names in this summary rather than the individual phase names established in each region by researchers, as the large number of sequences that have been developed prohibits individual treatment (Table 1). Many studies have advanced ceramic typologies or sequences (Beekman

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Table 1 Chronological chart for western Mexico (some columns combine sequences to better represent a region) Date on calibrated timescale

1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 5000 5500 6000 6500 7000 7500 8000 8500 9000 9500 10000 10500 11000 11500

Traditional Mesoamerican Periods

Coastal Colima (Kelly 1980; Mountjoy 2006)

Late Postclassic

Periquillo

Middle Postclassic Chanal

Tequila Valleys in far Western Highlands (Beekman and Weigand 2008; Oliveros and de los Ríos Paredes 1993)

Postclassic

Early Postclassic Epiclassic or Late Classic

Calichal Armeria El Grillo

Comala

Alta Vista/La Quemada

Pátzcuaro Basin in Cuitzeo and Michoacán Lerma Basin at edge of Bajío Highlands (Pollard 2008) (Darras and Faugère 2005; Hernández 2001) Acámbaro Tardío

Tariácuri

Acámbaro Temprano

Late Urichu

Perales Terminal Early Urichu Perales Lupe-La Joya Choromuco

Colima Classic

Suchil and Malpaso Valleys, Zacatecas (Kelley 1985; Nelson 1997)

Canutillo

Jarácuaro Loma Alta 3

Tequila IV Mixtlan Tequila III

Loma Alta 1/2

Late Formative Ortices

Tequila II Tequila I

Chupícuaro R. 2 Chupícuaro Reciente 1 Chupícuaro Temprano

Chupícuaro

Middle Formative Pantano Capacha

Early Formative

El Opeño

La Alberca Late Archaic

Early/Middle Archaic

Paleoindian

and Weigand 2000; Beltrań Medina and Gonza´lez Barajas 2007; Braniff 1998, 1999; Carot 2001; Flores Morales and Saint Charles Zetina 2006; Guevara Sańchez 2007; Healan and Hernańdez 1999; Hernańdez 2001, 2006; Jarquıń Pacheco and Martıńez Vargas 2007; Migeon and Pereira 2007; Saint Charles Zetina et al. 2006), and there is a growing number of radiocarbon dates (Mountjoy 2006; Mountjoy et al. 2003;

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Nelson 1997; Oliveros Morales and de los Rıós Paredes 1993). Given the tenuous basis for so many chronological sequences in western Mexico, the chronological work alone has succeeded in altering our perspectives on several issues, for example, timing the emergence of complex society. The third millennium B.C. evidence for sacred architecture at El Caloń, Sinaloa, has recently been critiqued (Grave Tirado 2008) and the pyramidal shell mound may date to the Classic period. Recent radiocarbon dates from Colima and northwestern Michoacań (Capacha and El Openõ sites) have moved the earliest ceramic complexes and social inequalities slightly later in time, though still in the Early and Middle Formative (Mountjoy 2006; Oliveros Morales and de los Rıós Paredes 1993). The Chupıćuaro sequence of southern Guanajuato has finally been supported by radiocarbon dates and a more comprehensive subdivision into phases (Darras and Fauge`re 2005), providing greater confidence in making long-distance comparisons to central Mexico (Darras 2006). Social complexity has received attention in recent decades partly because it struck at the heart of critiques that western Mexico was not part of Mesoamerica (Weigand 1985). Researchers draw on social hierarchy, heterarchy, and agency approaches. The best-known evidence for social complexity in western Mexico prior to the Tarascans is the shaft tombs from the far western highlands. Even as the evidence grew over the early 1990s for their association with notable social inequalities (Galvań Villegas 1991), they were still seen as preceding the appearance of the Teuchitlan tradition, a term coined by Weigand (1985) for distinctive temple architecture found in much the same regions. Weigand’s chronological sequence for the temples was based on increasing elaboration of the surface architecture rather than through stratigraphically excavated ceramics. This created (or resulted from the expectation of) a classic rise-and-fall trajectory toward complex society extending from Late Formative to Late Classic (Weigand 2000) that in many ways paralleled contemporary views of the Teotihuacan sequence in central Mexico. The reevaluation of the sequence in the core of the Teuchitlan tradition in central Jalisco began with the three-part seriation of excavated shaft tomb lots (Galvań Villegas 1991; discussed in detail in Beekman and Weigand 2008). These phases were then anchored by several dozen radiocarbon dates each from Llano Grande, Navajas, and Guachimontoń, which collapsed the sequence into a more narrow range from the Late Formative to the Early/Middle Classic periods. The shaft tombs are now much more clearly associated with the surface architecture. This change in peak construction, occurring in the Late Formative for both (Beekman and Weigand 2008), has forced rethinking of a range of issues, including proposals that the term ‘‘tradition’’—presupposing a long time depth—is inappropriate and ‘‘culture’’ is more suitable (Lo´pez Mestas 2007b, p. 38). With important changes in chronology, the widely claimed evidence for involvement by the central Mexican powers of Teotihuacan or Tula in western Mesoamerica has gradually faded in importance. Teotihuacan is the clearest example. When Pollard wrote in 1997, she expressed frustration with the widely claimed Teotihuacan or Teotihuacanoide connections whose dating, context, and identity were mostly unknown. The reevaluation of ceramic and architectural cross ties (Beekman 1996a) and the collection of new radiocarbon dates (Nelson 1997) have tended to date most of the contexts in question to the intervening Epiclassic, at least if

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we give that period the ample range of A.D. 500–900. The contexts that remain linked to Classic period Teotihuacan are limited to the eastern portions of Michoacań and to a lesser degree Guanajuato (Filini 2004; Filini and Ca´rdenas 2007). Western Mexican researchers continue to consider the topic of very-large-scale interaction. The boost in credibility that contact with South America received following Hosler’s study of metallurgy (Hosler 1994) has given impetus to further studies of textiles and shell (Anawalt 1998; Beltrań Medina 2001) and a computer simulation of coastal trade (Callaghan 2003). Specific mechanisms of interaction have not progressed beyond what Pollard reported in 1997, however. Studies of contact with the American Southwest continue to discuss physical exchange of goods such as turquoise (Kelley 2000; Meighan 1999; Weigand and Garcıá de Weigand 2001), but others have shrived themselves of the material underpinnings of world systems theory in favor of the less tangible linguistic ties along the Sierra Madre Occidental that facilitated communication and even migration (e.g., Cramaussel and Ortelli 2006; Hill 2001; Villalpando 2002). This parallels the trend elsewhere in Mesoamerican studies away from macroregional studies and toward agent-level interaction. Much recent theoretical research investigates economic matters. Craft production is being addressed for a wide range of materials, including obsidian (Clark and Weigand in press; Darras 1999; Esparza Lo´pez 2003; Healan 2005; Weigand et al. 2004) and pottery (Aronson 1996; Hirshman 2003; Moctezuma 2001; Strazicich 1998, 2001; contributions in Valdez et al. 2005). There is obvious utility in pottery for exploring ideology and identity through design analysis and for researching household economy through the study of forms and vessel sizes. Metallurgical production is a frequent research topic (Meńdez et al. 2006), particularly its control ´ lvarez 2005; Maldonado A ´ lvarez by the state (Hosler 1999, 2004a, b; Maldonado A et al. 2005; Roskamp 2005). The technical processes of salt procurement (Liot 1998, 2000; Williams 1999, 2002) or mining for various minerals (Schiavitti 1996) have received archaeological and ethnoarchaeological attention. Formal surface architecture certainly exists from at least the Late Formative period, and there are studies of architectural design, labor investment, and social variation in construction practices (e.g., Beekman 2008a; Ramos de la Vega and Crespo 2005; Weigand 1996, 1999). Vernacular architecture is less well understood and our opportunities for its study are diminishing as time goes on. Ethnoarchaeological approaches have been rescuing valuable data on traditional methods of ceramic production, salt extraction, and lifeways around the few dwindling lakes in the region (Senior 2001; Shott and Williams 2001, 2006; Williams 1999, 2002, 2005). Studies of exchange are as diverse as those of production. Research encompasses jade, turquoise, and other blue-green stones (Berney 2002; Lo´pez Mestas 2007a; Mountjoy et al. 2004; Weigand 2008), shell (Beltrań Medina 2001; Cabrero Garcıá 2004; Go´mez Gaste´lum 2003a, b; Lo´pez Mestas 2004; Sua´rez Dıéz 1997), feathers (Olay Barrientos 2004a), and iron pyrite (Mountjoy et al. 2004). The lion’s share of research pursues the exchange of obsidian (Benitez 2006; Darling 1998; Darling and Glascock 1998; Esparza Lo´pez and Tenorio 2004; Esparza Lo´pez et al. 2001; Healan 1998; Millhauser 1999; Spence et al. 2002) through laboratory characterization methods. Compared to other regions of Mesoamerica, ceramic studies are

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relatively undeveloped, but a few very good recent studies provide a template for future work (Hirshman 2008; Pollard et al. 2001; Strazicich 1998, 2001; contributions in Liot et al. 2006a; Valdez et al. 2005). A unique ceramic study by Wells (1998, 2000) used more standard characterization methods to show how different clay sources in the Malpaso Valley had different spatial distributions within La Quemada, referencing the surrounding communities in microcosm. The next step for studies of exchange needs to be expansion of individual studies of exchange into longitudinal and cross-sectional studies that compare results across sites or well-established ceramic phases (neatly done in Ramı´rez Urrea 2005, 2006; Ramı´rez Urrea et al. 2005). Other topics of interest include mortuary analysis, continuing a research trend that has a long history in western Mexico (e.g., Abbott Kelley 1978; Nelson et al. 1992; Pickering 1985). This includes analyses of the skeletal remains and burial practices (e.g., Acosta Nieva 1996, 2003; Cahue and Pollard 1998; David et al. 2007; de la Garza 1998; Fowler et al. 2006; Lo´pez Mestas et al. 1998; Martin et al. 2004; Oliveros Morales 2004, 2006; Pereira 1996, 1999, 2005, 2007; To 1999; Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997, 1998; Valde´z and Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997), which should be synthesized to develop comparisons between regions and periods. One interesting use of forensic principles (Pickering and Cuevas 2003; Pickering et al. 1998) identified signs of necrophaghous flies on ceramic figures from shaft tombs, providing potential insight into timing of burial and tomb atmosphere. These organic deposits also provide datable material and hence a method of authentication for museum collections. Rock art has seen increased study (Faba Zuleta 2001; Fauge`re 1997; Fauge`re and Darras 2002; Forcano 2000; Horcasitas and Miranda 2004; Mountjoy 2001; Murray and Viramontes 2006; Taladoire 1999; Torreblanca Padilla 2000), and interpretation of imagery within the context of the broader landscape (Viramontes Anzures 2005a, b; Viramontes Anzures and Crespo 1999) should produce interesting results. Finally, the religious and ideological significance of archaeoastronomical orientations in Mesoamerica (following Aveni et al. 1982) has led to preliminary research on this topic, largely using well-preserved architecture to evaluate different orientations toward the horizon (DuVall 2007; Jua´rez Cossıó and Sˇprajc 2001; Kelley and Abbott Kelley 2000; Lelgemann 1997). Archaeoastronomy may be an overly narrow approach to how people viewed their surroundings; a landscape archaeological approach might provide further insights. Studies of human ecology continue in the vein described by Pollard (1997), with most attention devoted to established agriculturalists. The archaeological traces of nomadic populations are so tenuous that the generalized surveys that are usually carried out are unlikely to bear fruit (see Benz [2000] for an example of what could be done with problem-oriented survey). Farmers and intensive collectors along the coasts are the best studied to date. Investigations of diet based on bone isotope, phytolith, or faunal/malacological/macrobotanical analyses are being done by numerous specialists (Beltrań Medina 2001; Cahue et al. 2002; Dvorak 2000; Elliott 2000, 2005, 2007; Lo´pez Mestas and Ramos de la Vega 2005; Mountjoy and Claassen 2005; Schoenwetter and Benz 2004; Trombold Alcańtara and Israde 2005), and some use the data to address social practices of food preparation and

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consumption (Turkon 2002, 2004). Other data sets, such as the hollow shaft tomb figures, show great potential for food studies in their depictions of culturally appropriate foodstuffs (Scho¨ndube 1998b). Investigations of health are more limited but should grow with increased excavation of formal cemeteries (Mansilla et al. 2000; Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997, 1998). There is much room in western Mexico for the adoption of systematic survey methods, yet in some areas phasespecific settlement maps already allow analysis of the distribution of rural settlement in relation to farmland (Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998; Beekman 1996b; Carot 2001; Co´rdova Tello 2007; Elliott 2005; Fauge`re 1996; Fisher et al. 2003; Heredia Espinoza 2008; Mountjoy 1970, 1982; Mountjoy et al. 2003; Pollard 2008), which has led to such classic insights elsewhere in Mesoamerica. More surveys exist than are represented in this list of citations, but many are unpublished. Lake basins remain the primary focus for human ecological studies. They have attracted attention both as foci for early farming and complex social developments and as repositories of paleoenvironmental evidence in the form of pollen, diatoms, ostracods, phytoliths, or geomorphological change (Bradbury 2000; Caballero et al. 1999, 2002; Davies et al. 2004; Endfield and O’Hara 1999; Israde Alcańtara et al. 2005; Leng et al. 2005; Lozano Garcıá and Xelhuantzi Lo´pez 1997; Metcalfe 1997, 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007; Metcalfe et al. 2000, 2007; Ruter et al. 2004; Telford et al. 2004). Many researchers see the importance of this work for archaeology, but those studies done in direct collaboration with archaeologists will be the best tailored to our interests (e.g., Arnauld et al. 1997; Fisher 2000, 2005, 2007; Fisher et al. 2003). Importantly, some research on climate and anthropogenic change has expanded into areas outside the lake basins and has provided a more rounded understanding of the issue (Mata Gonza´lez et al. 2002; Nelson et al. n.d.). The raised field systems identified by Weigand in the Magdalena and La Vega Lake basins of central Jalisco have undergone dramatic swings in interpretation. Early surface studies speculated that they were associated with the proposed peak of settlement density in the Classic (Weigand 1993a). One critic dismissed them as modern trenching based on their regularity (Butzer 1996), but field studies and radiocarbon dating established their construction in a series of stages during the Classic period (Stuart 2003, 2005). The fields finally achieved acceptance among prominent researchers of Mesoamerican agriculture (Whitmore and Turner 2002), but the peak of hierarchy in the area has now been redated to the Late Formative (Beekman and Weigand 2008). Clearly, the association of agricultural intensification with political centralization requires further research, and studies of early canal irrigation in the Pa´tzcuaro Basin have dated these examples to periods of political competition rather than state centralization (Fisher et al. 1999). Social complexity and, in particular, political organization are an ongoing area of interest. There is some use of spatial analysis at the regional level (Ca´rdenas Garcıá 1999a; Crespo Oviedo 1996; Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996), and world systems or core-periphery models continue to be applied at larger scales (Beekman 1996b, c, 2000; Jimeńez Betts 1998, 2006, 2007; Pollard 2003, 2005a). Other investigations into power and inequality are based on excavations in public architecture and mortuary contexts (Beekman 2008a; Lo´pez Mestas and Montejano Esquivias 2003; Pollard 1996; Pollard and Cahue 1999). Some approaches develop models that originated in

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other areas of the world, such as the segmentary state (Beekman 1996c; Weigand and Beekman 1998) or the chiefdom (Mountjoy 1998), but models developed from western Mexican ethnohistoric and ethnographic models need greater consideration (e.g., Coyle 1998; Liffman 2000; Neurath 2002; Paredes Martıńez 1997a, b). The research thus considered in western Mexico fits largely into culturalecological or political-economic frameworks, but the region could contribute greatly to a symbolic archaeology (Hodder 1982). The western states possess vivid imagery in pottery, figurines, models, and petroglyphs that offer tremendous potential for issues of power, identity, and gender (Aedo 2003; Gabany Guerrero 2004; Logan 2007; Taube 2004). There are a few studies of political ideology (Beekman 2003a, b; Graham 1998; Lo´pez Mestas 2005, 2007b; Olay Barrientos 1998; Williams 1998), worldview (Oliveros Morales 2006; Taube 1998; Witmore 1998), and the symbolic meaning of objects and their properties (Darras 1998; Go´mez Gaste´lum 2005, 2006, 2007; Hosler 1994), but various other topics come to mind. What was the conceptual relationship between ceramic manufacture and the beginnings of metallurgy? How was the landscape given meaning by those who lived upon it (see Medina Gonza´lez 2000; Viramontes Anzures 2005c)? The recent resurgence of archaeological interest in death and social memory is primarily represented at El Openõ (Oliveros Morales 2006) but could be addressed elsewhere. Given the international prominence of West Mexican imagery even outside of archaeological circles, there is much untapped potential here, and the region could be contributing greatly to these issues. The growing interest in migration, a topic so bound up in issues of identity, will necessitate a more agency-based perspective that recognizes the active manipulation of material culture. Clearly, researchers must avail themselves of disciplines other than archaeology to expand the potential of our research; space allows me to mention only a few. DNA research offers the eventual promise of application to archaeological populations (Herrera Salazar et al. 2007), although the prehistoric samples to date are too small to be considered anything other than exploratory. Skeletal and particularly nonmetric studies have provided more concrete results to date on social relationships and migration (Angel 1998; Beekman and Christensen 2003; Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997, 1998). Linguistic and ethnohistoric research has established the presence of Nahuatl-speaking communities among other languages in early colonial Jalisco (Yań˜ez Rosales 1998). Proto-language reconstruction also has led to the controversial conclusion that Nahuatl emerged among agricultural communities within the bounds of Mesoamerica (Hill 2001), which has led to proposals that Nahuatl was already present in central Mexico prior to the Epiclassic, or that its origins lie somewhere in western Mexico. Ethnohistoric research has not only documented lifeways in the initial centuries after contact (Acosta 2003; Magrinã 2002; Paredes Martıńez 1997a, b; Weigand and Garcıá de Weigand 1996; Yań˜ez Rosales 1998), but also evaluated key documents (Lizama Silva 2007; Roskamp 2000; Stone 2004). Some of this work is now feeding into true historical archaeology in western Mexico (Beekman et al. 1999; Fisher 2007; Gonza´lez Romero et al. 2000; Lo´pez Taylor 2004; Pollard 2005a), and hopefully this research can be expanded. There has been impressive growth in ethnographic work among the Huichol, Cora, and other populations in Jalisco and Nayarit (Coyle 1998;

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Jaúregui and Neurath 2003; Neurath 2004; Schaefer and Furst 1996; Serreau 1997; Te´llez 2001) and aggressive Spanish translation of the ethnological work of up to a century past (Diguet 1992; Preuss 1998; Zingg 1998). Much of this work addresses topics of great interest for pre-Columbian studies, but these are generally not the peyote-focused studies of the 1960s and 1970s. The studies of traditional religious hierarchies and political organization (Fikes 1985; Neurath 2002; Te´llez 2006) and of ritual decoration, objects, and architecture (Faba Zuleta 2003; Kindl 2000; Malvido Mirando 2000; Neurath 2000; Perrin 1996; Schaefer 1996) provide wellanchored studies very conscious of their value to archaeologists. Finally, the preservation of the pre-Columbian cultural heritage of western Mexico remains challenging. Looting is still rampant, but as always the major destructive forces are those of development. The vast urban center of Guadalajara, Mexico’s second largest city, continues to expand and put pressure on archaeological remains as well as on the ecology of Lake Chapala. Increasingly intensive modern agriculture makes greater use of machinery and landscaping methods with greater impacts on archaeological remains. Coastal development continues to grow in response to tourism, resulting in a great deal of salvage archaeology. Archaeology with the objective of the restoration of sites for tourism also has begun to be an issue, and archaeologists in western Mexico have not yet openly grappled with the problems and prospects this presents for problem-oriented archaeology. Challenges to the centralized management of archaeology in Mexico have emerged (Weigand 2007). One interesting development has been the declaration of the site of Guachimontoń, subject to large-scale excavations since 1999 (Weigand and Garcıá de Weigand 2003a, b), as part of a World Heritage zone (Heredia Espinoza 2008; World Heritage Centre 2006). Although this is encouraging, the primary focus of the declaration is actually the tequila production area north of the Tequila Volcano for its contribution to Mexican culture. The expansion of the agave industry into previously safe areas has resulted in destruction or extensive damage at major sites in this region in recent years. The international recognition of tequila production as cultural heritage thus seems decidedly ironic (Ojeda Gaste´lum et al. 2008). The protected site of Huitzilapa, symbolic in many ways of the new burst of energy in western Mexican archaeology when Pollard wrote in 1997, was destroyed in its entirety by bulldozing for agave planting in 2003, and the ensuing legal battle has resulted in minimal punishment for the offending tequila company.

The early hunters and gatherers of the Paleoindian and Archaic periods (11,500–5000 B.C.) Although the Paleoindian and Archaic periods do not receive a great deal of attention, there has been some progress in identifying preagricultural sites. Claims for pre-Clovis populations in western Mexico have been made for decades on the basis of modified Pleistocene faunal remains that were collected without context (Haley and Solo´rzano 1991; Solo´rzano 1975). These claims received increased attention in recent years with the discovery of a portion of a hominid skull with heavy brow-ridges among these same collections. Although widely reported in the

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popular press, along with claims of an affinity to Lower Paleolithic remains from Europe, the fragments were collected years prior and no information exists on their original location except to say that they are from western Mexico (Dixon 1999, pp. 92–95). The earliest secure evidence for human activity pertains to more traditional time periods. Finds of mammoths, sloths, and other megafauna dating to the end of the Pleistocene have been known for years around the lakes of the Bajıó (Brown 1991, p. 28) and the Neo-Volcanic axis, particularly the Sayula, Zacoalco, and Chapala Basins (Aliphat Fernańdez 1988, pp. 147–148), but only once have they been found in conjunction with human artifacts (see Aveleyra Arroyo de Anda 1962, pp. 404–405). Large lanceolate points of the Clovis, Folsom, and other styles traditionally dated as early as 11,500 B.C. have been recovered as isolated finds in the Sierra Madre Occidental, (Aliphat Fernańdez 1988, Fig. 2), north-central Guanajuato (Aveleyra Arroyo de Anda 1962), northern Quere´taro (Martz et al. 2000), and northern Michoacań (Fauge`re 1996, p. 125, Fig. 59), and the lake basins of central Jalisco (Aliphat Fernańdez 1988, Fig. 2; Aveleyra Arroyo de Anda 1962; Benz 2000; Hardy 1994; Leoń Canales et al. 2006; Lorenzo 1964; MacNeish and Nelken Terner 1983, Fig. 2). An obsidian point with Clovis affinities, from a source in Quere´taro, was found at the Kincaid site in south-central Texas (Hester et al. 1985), suggesting trade of raw materials by bands of hunters and gatherers that ranged widely across the intervening expanses. Presumably dating to the same general period is a rough biface found in deep deposits in the Juchipila Valley of southern Zacatecas (Aveleyra Arroyo de Anda 1962, p. 398, Fig. 1). The Sayula-Zacoalco-Chapala Lake basins of the far western highlands are particularly rich in Paleoindian finds. Bones of extinct fauna with evidence of human modification have already been mentioned, and the nearby site of Cerro de Tecolote has produced lithics in association with extinct fauna (Aliphat Fernańdez 1988, pp. 161–162). More recently, fossilized human remains were identified from the Zacoalco and Chapala Basins (Irish et al. 1998, 2000). As some have noted, the presence of big-game hunters and gatherers is largely centered in western Mesoamerica (MacNeish and Nelken Terner 1983). Cultural remains from eastern Mesoamerica relate to a distinct chopper tradition that is found farther north in Texas (MacNeish and Nelken Terner 1983, p. 76; MacNeish et al. 1967, p. 238). There may have been separate paths down the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Sierra Madre Oriental, but the opposing climatic patterns reconstructed for western and eastern Mexico prior to 9000 B.C. also may have been a factor (Bradbury 1997; Metcalfe et al. 2000). Further research on these early periods may clarify the distinctions between western and eastern Mesoamerica in later times. Our reliance on distinctive and isolated lithics continues into the Archaic period, when some climatic records suggest trends toward warmer temperatures and greater precipitation (Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007). Lerma points from the Early and Middle Archaic have been identified in large numbers from the SayulaZacoalco Lake basin (Hardy 1994), but no further research has been pursued on this period. We unfortunately still have no excavations of living areas or artifacts associated with gathering. This time period is clearly the most understudied in the region, and researchers of earlier periods from elsewhere should be encouraged to develop research projects in western Mexico.

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The Late Archaic period (5000–2000 B.C.) The Archaic period is traditionally defined as that time when Mesoamericans began to experiment with the domestication of plants and animals. Research elsewhere in the Mesoamerican highlands indicates that this process accelerated during the Late Archaic, coincident with a peak dry period and low lake levels across the highlands (Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007). Yet there was a range of adaptations among the diverse environments of western Mexico (Fig. 2). It is quite likely that the initial domestication of several major components of the Mesoamerican diet took place in the general region covered by this article, and our understanding of the background for maize in particular has received a massive synthesis by Staller et al. (2006). Genetic research comparing the remains of modern domesticated maize with modern wild maize (teosinte) has found that the closest genetic ancestor is the wild form Zea mays parviglumis found in the Balsas Depression, while the second closest wild relative is found today in southern Jalisco (Doebley et al. 1990). The closest genetic ancestor to the common bean is the wild bean found today across highland Jalisco (Smith 2001). As exciting as these studies are, they require archaeological projects to identify actual samples to determine the place, date, and tempo of domestication. Recent pollen and phytolith analyses in the Iguala Valley of Guerrero (Piperno et al. 2007) place domesticated squash and maize phytoliths within the span of 10,000–5000 B.P. (uncalibrated, but by approximately

Fig. 2 Late Archaic sites in western Mexico

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4000 B.C. in calendrical years) and forest clearance in association with zea pollen around 5200 B.C. This is part of the Balsas watershed and Benz (1999) posits how maize might have spread northwest into southern Jalisco and Michoacań. The spread of domesticated crops is difficult to follow due to the differing categories of evidence used to identify their presence (see Blake 2006 for a balanced treatment), but studies suggest that farming emerged in the Late Archaic in far western Mesoamerica. Deforestation suggesting land clearance, but without evidence for maize pollen, occurs in cores in the Zacapu Basin of northern Michoacań by 4000–3600 B.C. (Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998, p. 17). The first evidence of maize pollen comes from lake cores from the Pa´tzcuaro Basin in central Michoacań around 1500 B C. (Bradbury 2000), whereas older studies identify maize pollen in Laguna San Pedro in southern Nayarit by 1900–1300 B.C. and in La Hoya San Nicola´s in the southern Bajıó by 1300 B.C. (Brown 1984, 1985; see Stuart 2003, p. 67). The movement of farming populations farther north was quite gradual. Maize and squash phytoliths have been found in the Malpaso Valley of southern Zacatecas along with land clearance in the final centuries B.C. (Nelson et al. n.d.). Maize agriculture is otherwise assumed to be present by the appearance of the earliest fully sedentary communities, although this is often much later than the likely first appearance of plant domestication. Early agricultural settlements have not been identified in western Mexico as yet, and the only habitation sites of definite Archaic date known from the highlands show no evidence of plant domestication, suggesting a comparatively late transition to agriculture. A regional project covering northernmost Michoacań that excavated and radiocarbon dated successive occupations of Cueva de los Portales to about 5200–2000 B.C. (Fauge`re 2006) has produced the first full monograph on an early western site that spans the entire Late Archaic. This important sequence deserves a quick summary. The early La Garza occupation (5200–4500 B.C.) appears to have been a seasonal campsite, with a diverse obsidian and andesite assemblage of heavy choppers, blade scrapers, and points, and evidence for the consumption of deer and probably birds. The lithic assemblage includes visually distinct varieties of obsidian that do not fall within the range of local sources, consistent with the partly contemporary finds from La Alberca (see below). A second phase shows a more specialized set of tools for hunting and probably repeated use as a temporary work station; that period includes the first evidence for grinding stones. The disappearance of nonlocal obsidian in that period and thereafter might suggest the reduction of residential movement and the establishment of a collector strategy (a la Binford 1980). The third phase (Portales, 3100–2500 B.C.) was the most extensive seasonal camp, with evidence of hunting, hide preparation, basketry making, and woodworking. Manos point to processing of seeds, and deer, turtles, frogs, birds, and rodents were hunted. Although it was damaged, the final Archaic occupation has a disproportionate amount of heavy woodworking tools that suggests some relation to initial forest clearance associated with farming. That occupation is contemporaneous with the region’s oldest-known intentional burial (radiocarbon dated to c. 2500–2200 B.C.) from La Alberca in the western highlands of Michoacań (Gabany Guerrero 2004, pp. 14–15). The burial was placed in a location later used for cliff painting and suggests a ritually important locale, but evidence for

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habitation is lacking. Another recent and pioneering effort to identify preceramic sites successfully radiocarbon dated deposits in Abrigo Moreno 5, a cave site southeast of Lake Sayula, to 3500 B.C. (Benz 2000). Materials were too sparse there to truly describe ancient lifeways, but other possible sites with promise also were identified and will hopefully be excavated in the future. More Archaic evidence pertains to coastal populations that subsisted on maritime resources, and perhaps those populations present the earliest evidence of social complexity. The earliest materials are a small collection of artifacts associated with a shell mound on the coast of Nayarit dated to 2850–2200 B.C. and called the Matanchen complex (Mountjoy 1970, 2000; Mountjoy and Claassen 2005). The site was interpreted as a food-extraction station, and Voorhies (1996, pp. 22–25) interprets similar remains on the Chiapas coast specifically as solares where shells would be dried and processed. A slightly later shell mound at Cerro el Caloń in the mangrove swamps of the Marismas Nacionales to the north, and dated to 2250 B.C., is an intriguing find. This 23-m-high mound is actually composed of unopened Anadara grandis (brackish water clam) and other shells and was thus an actual construction of unknown purpose (Scott 1985; Scott and Foster 2000). The dating of this feature has been disputed recently (Grave Tirado 2008), although this once unique occurrence has since been duplicated farther south on the Chiapas coast (J. Hodgson, personal communication, 2004), where another intentionally created shell ´ lvarez del Toro has multiple floors and dates to older than 3000 B.C. mound at A These may be ceremonial platforms of some kind, although other evidence is sparse. If the original dating holds, this suggests that as in southeastern Mesoamerica, some of the earliest complex developments may have occurred on the Pacific coastal plains.

Early and Middle Formative periods (2000–300 B.C.) The Early and Middle Formative periods document the earliest sedentary populations in West Mexico, coinciding with climatic trends toward wetter conditions (Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007) and the continuing spread of agriculture across the region. It is helpful to begin with some broad parameters. Grove (1974, 2006) and others (Niederberger 1987; Oliveros Morales 2004; Tolstoy 1971) draw attention to a major west-east cultural distinction from the Early Formative that centered on the valleys of central Mexico. To the east and south were cultures that shared a variety of ties with Olman on the Gulf Coast. To the west along the Rıó Lerma-Santiago were societies with shared ceramic ties (use of resist and red-on-brown decoration and exotic bottle forms) and generalized links to northwestern South America. The Olmec art style was almost totally absent in the west. Places like Tlatilco were pivot points between these two patterns; the Tlatilco assemblage had long-distance links to western Mexico but also possessed a ceramic component with purported Olmec affiliations to the east. I argue that the western sites linked by the Rıó Lerma shared a strong sense of place on the landscape claimed through family tombs and cemeteries and sometimes round tumuli used for burial.

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This west-east dichotomy has previously fed debate over whether western Mexico was outside Mesoamerican traditions or one of several contributors to them (e.g., Scho¨ndube 1980; Weigand 1985), but this west-east division may just as easily be a continuation of the Paleoindian and Archaic pattern mentioned previously, in which different patterns of animal and plant exploitation took place in the west and the east. The division also may separate Otomanguean speakers in the east from the Pure´pecha and southern Uto-Aztecan language groups in western Mexico (Beekman 2008b). The Early and Middle Formative remains identified to date in the western highlands are primarily mortuary features that I argue were family claims upon the landscape (Fig. 3). A cemetery of elaborate tombs defined by a stairway and subterranean chamber has been excavated at El Openõ, in the Jacona-Zamora Valley of northwestern Michoacań (Noguera 1942; Oliveros Morales 1970, 2004); isolated examples of this tomb form have been found farther west in the Magdalena Lake basin (Weigand 1985, p. 61). Radiocarbon dates place these tombs between 1400 and 1000 B.C. (Oliveros Morales and de los Rıós Paredes 1993), but the major recent contribution to our understanding comes from Oliveros Morales’ (2004) synthesis of the excavations there and his theoretical discussion of their significance (Oliveros Morales 2006). The tombs vary in size and often have two wide benches on either side, upon which were laid the dead of succeeding generations of a family or lineage. People decorated their bodies through cranial reformation, and teeth

Fig. 3 Early and Middle Formative sites of western Mexico

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were often filed. The dead were accompanied by offerings of the earliest known pottery in the region, including resist-decorated ceramics, hollow ceramic figures representing animals, and solid figurines depicting individuals wearing specialized clothing used in the rubber ballgame. Perforators made of human bone have been found, and examples made of deer bone are widely distributed in Early and Middle Formative burials (and at Archaic Cueva de los Portales). Although these implements could have been used for a variety of mundane tasks, it seems more likely that they had more exotic functions such as autosacrifice or bloodletting. There also are a striking number of obsidian spear points in the tombs, suggesting the continuing importance of hunting or of conflict and warfare. Oliveros Morales (2004, 2006) interprets the tombs in terms of common Mesoamerican themes relating to the underworld, which should be incorporated more frequently into discussions of the importance of Olman in Mesoamerican prehistory (as in Grove 2006). Imported goods demonstrating the wealth and social networks of these families include probable turquoise (from one of several possible locations in northern Mexico or New Mexico), jade from the Motagua Valley of Guatemala, marine shell from both the Pacific and Atlantic Casts, iron pyrite mirrors reminiscent of types made in Oaxaca (Pires Ferreira 1975, pp. 37–55), and green obsidian from Pachuca in central Mexico (Oliveros Morales 2004, pp. 118–119, 146, 150–152; Robles and Oliveros Morales 2005). Exchange was mutual, as obsidian from the Ucareo source in northeastern Michoacań was being traded east into the Basin of Mexico, the Oaxaca Valley, and the Gulf Coast by that time (Healan 2004, Cuadro 1). Although there have long been hints of possible structures atop some of the El Openõ-style tombs (e.g., Weigand 1993b), the settlements accompanying these cemeteries remain unidentified. There is a similar class of remains in low-to-middle elevations of Colima and southern Jalisco where cemeteries have been found (Kelly 1980; Mountjoy 1989), in one case associated with a small surface altar (Weigand 1985, p. 61). These remains are grouped under the term Capacha because of the similar deeply engraved or zone-painted ceramics, often using exotic stirrup spout or bottle forms. Capacha cemeteries have been partially excavated (Kelly 1980) but not always published. The cemeteries commonly demonstrate repeated use of the same area for simple interment in pits. Typical offerings include pottery, grinding stones, and hollow ceramic anthropomorphic figures (Kelly 1980). The most spectacular recent find is a series of cemeteries in the Mascota Valley of southwestern Jalisco that, according to the excavator, document the transition from Capacha-like ceramics to El Pantano culture (Mountjoy 2006; Mountjoy et al. 2004). The most detailed data to date are from El Pantano where dozens of burials were placed in shallow pits within a restricted area, each burial cutting into prior ones. Offerings included locally made pottery but also figurines made of jade from the Motagua Valley and iron pyrite jewelry (Mountjoy et al. 2004). Bone isotope studies of the skeletal remains have revealed that the population consumed maize (Cahue et al. 2002); this fits well with the frequent appearance of grinding stones in Capacha burials (Kelly 1980), although Cahue notes that their dentition does not show the usual decay associated with early agricultural populations. The Mascota cemeteries provide the most

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carefully sequenced and contextualized radiocarbon dates for Capacha-related ceramics, extending from 1000 to 800 B.C. and hence Middle Formative. The Capacha-like materials in the highland lake basins just east of Mascota presage later developments, but cemeteries are still the only contexts found to date (e.g., Liot et al. 2006b). In the valleys surrounding the Tequila volcano, where El Openõ-style stairway-and-chamber tombs had been in use, there are limited architectural remains from this slightly later period. Burials are found beneath small circular constructions in bottle-shaped tombs, and larger numbers of individuals were interred in circular or oval burial mounds of up to 40 m in diameter and 2 m high at San Felipe and another dozen sites in the Magdalena Lake basin (Weigand 1985, pp. 60–63). None of these mounds has been excavated, unfortunately, leaving a significant gap in our understanding of the rise of more politically centralized systems in the Late Formative. People had begun to carefully collect and curate human remains in burial cysts (e.g., Liot et al. 2006b), suggesting the care of ancestors and the presence of corporate groups. The Pacific Coast is best discussed from southeast to northwest. The Rıó Balsas Depression has produced evidence for Early and Middle Formative pottery-using populations (Cabrera Castro 1986, 1989; Paradis 1974), but beyond the basics of identifying their presence and the similarity of the ceramics to the Capacha pottery, there has been relatively little work on lifeways. The presence of artifacts and sculpture related to the Gulf Coast does suggest that the region had rather different social connections than the rest of western Mexico (Paradis 1974), and I consider this region to lie outside the bounds of this article. North of the Rıó Balsas is the coast of Michoacań, which has produced no evidence of occupation prior to the Classic period (Novella and Moguel Cos 1998), and so a gap exists between the lower Balsas and the coast of Jalisco. Farther northwest are the river valleys of the Rıó Purificacion, the Rıó Tomatlań, the Banderas Valley, and the San Bla´s area before reaching the increasingly wide coastal strip of the Marismas Nacionales. There is little evidence from the far north, which had seemed so precocious in the Archaic period, and the densest occupation instead lay along the narrower southern coasts. Many decades of research there have reconstructed a mixed strategy of farming and the intensive exploitation of marine resources, including everything from deepwater mammals such as dolphins to manta rays to tidepool shellfish (Mountjoy 1970, pp. 58–73, 1982, pp. 284–286, 325–326, 1989, 1993, pp. 24–28, 2000, pp. 84–88; Mountjoy and Claassen 2005). These occupations are marked by the use of pottery similar to that used in Capacha sites (Mountjoy 2000, pp. 84–88), habitation terraces, grinding stones, animal bone tools for making basketry, and clearly watercraft. The earliest radiocarbon dates (collected in Mountjoy et al. 2003) place the beginning of this occupation to around 900 B.C. for San Bla´s and the Banderas Valley, with more tenuous evidence from the Tomatlań area. Communication along the coast must have been in place by this period, most notably evidenced by the slim comparisons between local pottery and that from the far-off Guatemalan and Ecuadorian coasts. Farther east and slightly later in time were the sites of the Chupıćuaro culture, so named because of the similar pottery used by peoples across the southern Bajıó and documented in detail at Chupıćuaro (Porter 1956; Porter Weaver 1969). Although

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related ceramics have been reported along the Rıó Lerma basin from central Mexico to the Pacific Coast (McBride 1969), these represent related local pottery traditions of generally later time periods (e.g., Mixtlan phase). This suggests the common basis out of which later peoples along the Lerma Basin sprang, but we should not consider this a uniform ‘‘culture’’ across a wide territory. The only people that definitely made the high-quality Chupıćuaro ceramics during 600 and 100 B.C. were limited to the Cuitzeo Basin and Rıó Lerma Basin of southeastern Guanajuato (Darras and Fauge`re 2005; Gorenstein et al. 1985; Healan and Hernańdez 1999; Porter 1956) and probably into the San Juan Valley in southern Quere´taro (Saint Charles Zetina 1998). These people are best known from the 400 burials excavated from the cemetery at Chupıćuaro where individuals were interred individually or sometimes several to a pit, associated with miniature hearths that were somehow used in the mortuary process. Although warfare may be involved, ancestral worship is a viable explanation for the striking number of headless burials and isolated skulls at the Chupıćuaro cemetery, as the curation of human remains was common throughout western Mexican prehistory. While the decoration of ceramics uniquely emphasizes designs related to central Mexico, we see many of the same burial accompaniments as elsewhere in the western highlands, including solid and hollow human figures, imported shells from both the Pacific and Gulf Coasts, etc. We assume that these people consumed maize and practiced agriculture, although substantiating evidence would be very welcome, and the presence of domesticated dogs in the burials may indicate their dual role as companion and food. The frequent occurrence of projectile points could indicate the continued contribution of hunting. Circular earthen mounds (Mena and Aguirre 1927) or patios (Darras and Fauge`re 2005) are a form of public architecture found at early Chupıćuaro sites in Guanajuato, but later changes in form suggest deeper shifts in ideology and/or the activities carried out there (Darras 2006; Darras and Fauge`re 2005); I discuss these later. Shaft tombs have recently been identified in Chupıćuaro sites during the Chupıćuaro Reciente 1 phase (400–200 B.C.) (Darras and Fauge`re 2007), demonstrating further crosscutting ties between the subregions during the Middle Formative. The Early and Middle Formative remains in western Mexico hint at long-distance connections that help define the early era of pre-Columbian culture. Resist and redon-brown decoration as well as exotic bottle forms link Capacha, El Openõ, and the contemporary Basin of Mexico site of Tlatilco via the Rıó Lerma; less specific comparisons link all three with ceramic traditions in coastal Chiapas and Guatemala and in northwestern South America. Furthermore, all the highland sites are defined by mortuary remains clustered into cemeteries, an uncommon occurrence elsewhere in Mesoamerica outside of Oaxaca, suggesting forms of social organization distinct even from neighboring societies along the Pacific Coast. By the Middle Formative period, circular mounded architecture was shared by societies in central Jalisco, the southern Bajıó, Morelos (Grove 1970), and the Basin of Mexico at the early center of Cuicuilco (Muller 1990; a similarity previously noted in Florance 2000). Social groups in the far western highland and Bajıó/Michoacań highland subregions were linked through trading networks to the farthest corners of Mesoamerica to obtain luxury items, and yet they were conspicuously not participating in the Olmec art

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style. Processes toward political centralization and social inequality had certainly begun in the highlands, although membership in corporate social groups and not individual accomplishment was the likely vehicle for defining wealth and status.

Late Formative and Classic periods (300 B.C.–A.D. 500/600) The Late Formative is distinguished by rapid population growth and expansion into many new areas, increased differentiation between subregions in the highlands, evidence for social inequalities across most of western Mexico, and rapid political centralization in some areas (Fig. 4). A tradition of enclosed patio architecture developed in the Bajıó and spread to the eastern highlands of Michoacań. The far western highlands of West Mexico came to share certain ideological concepts relating to mortuary symbolism during the Late Formative, much of which centered on the lake basins and valleys surrounding the Tequila Volcano of central Jalisco. A further modest expansion out of central Jalisco occurred during the Classic period, disseminating concepts relating to agricultural ritual and elite status. This is interesting when considered against the climatological backdrop of a slow drying trend that culminated in the Epiclassic. The Tequila Valleys of central Jalisco incorporate the Magdalena lake basin to the west and wetlands to the south and southeast, most of which have today been

Fig. 4 Late Formative and Classic period sites of western Mexico

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drained by modern agricultural projects. In what may have been a lusher environment at the time, a population of several tens of thousands grew up over the course of this period in a continuous and dispersed settlement pattern primarily south of the Tequila Volcano (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996; Weigand 1993a, 2000), likely exploiting infield maize agriculture. As before, corporate social groups appear to have been of critical importance, and cemeteries of family-based shaftand-chamber tombs much like those of El Openõ and Chupıćuaro are found in abundance across the rural areas. The richest tombs are beneath or in close association with public architecture in ceremonial centers, creating a dichotomy between rural families and those in more privileged settings (e.g., the modest tombs at Tabachines [Galvań Villegas 1991] versus the elite tombs at El Arenal or Huitzilapa [Corona Nun˜ez 1955; Ramos and Lo´pez Mestas 1996]). Obsidian workshops (e.g., Soto de Arechavaleta 1982, 1990) and exchange (Weigand et al. 2004) tied together families across central Jalisco and beyond. The ceremonial centers included two major new forms of architecture, both perhaps oriented toward dampening conflict and drawing together the corporate social groups. The first was the ball court, a specially constructed playing field for the more formal versions of the rubber ballgame known across Mesoamerica (Weigand 1991). Elsewhere, the ballgame has been considered a mechanism for channeling social competition between groups into a safer and less conflictive form (Gillespie 1991; Taladoire and Colsenet 1991). This may very well be the case here between these corporate groups, which may have been lineages or ‘‘houses’’ (Beekman 2005, 2008a), the latter including strong ties to place and membership defined by other mechanisms as well as biological descent (Joyce and Gillespie 2000). The second architectural form was the guachimontoń, a highly symmetrical cluster of buildings in which a circular stepped altar or pyramid forms the centerpiece. An even number of rectangular buildings, usually eight, forms a ring around the central pyramid, creating a complex of distinctive appearance (Weigand 1985, 1996, 1999). These temples embody the multileveled universe of Mesoamerican cosmology, and identifiable ceremonies from the Mesoamerican calendar took place on the pyramid (Beekman 2003a, b; Kelley 1974; Taube 1998; Witmore 1998). The form most likely evolved out of Middle Formative circular burial mounds, but with a different relationship between the various corporate social groups that used them. Pollard (1997) assessed early claims that the guachimontoń sites across western Mexico constituted a single state (Weigand 1985); she concluded they represented a complex social phenomenon but that considerable work needed to be done to move beyond top-down regional analysis based almost strictly on surface surveys. Our understanding has improved considerably since then, and it is possible to suggest more about the lower levels of political organization. Excavations at Llano Grande and Navajas over the past several years have found that the symmetry visible on the surface obscures what are actually quite distinct construction methods for the surrounding rectangular structures (Beekman 2005, 2008a). Different artifacts were found as well, with some structures housing large pottery vessels, others with a larger number of stone tools, and others with fragments of hollow ceramic figures better known from tombs. The different corporate groups built their

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structures independently, yet as part of a broader template of eight such structures in a precise arrangement. I interpret these as elite lineages or perhaps elite members of lineages present on the broader landscape, but authority was shared in some way in a corporate mode (in the sense of Blanton et al. 1996). In larger circles the relationships are distinct, and there may be structures around a circle that were constructed using disparate methods, suggesting larger social alliances (Beekman 2008a). Individual ceremonial centers may have from one to ten guachimontones of varying sizes (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996; Weigand 1985), creating a conundrum for archaeologists as to how this shared power structure may have been instantiated at larger scales. In a sense, we now need to close the gap between older regional studies and newer local studies in order to understand how this local political activity created the apparent core and periphery distribution of guachimontoń sites across west Mexico (see Beekman 2000, although now chronologically flawed). Offerings found in the shaft-and-chamber tombs allow rich reconstructions of life and beliefs among the people who lived here but can be better interpreted in light of what we know today from the archaeology. Among the figures and models that have been recovered, people carry stacks of pottery (to market?), others draw sap from the agave plant to make pulque, women nurse children, wedding and agricultural ceremonies are held in the architecture, and male-female pairs suggest unique gender relations (see Beekman 2003a; Logan 2007; von Winning 1969; von Winning and Hammer 1972). Exotic imported goods found in the tombs and public buildings are in many respects like those from the earlier El Openõ tombs, suggesting similar external connections exploited by corporate social groups. Some of those goods, notably the imagery in three-dimensional architectural models and figures (Beekman 2003a, b) and shell jewelry (Lo´pez Mestas 2004, 2005), have allowed studies of political ideology linking Late Formative elites to agricultural fertility and the cosmos. Recent excavations at Llano Grande, Navajas, and Guachimontoń have clarified the chronology for the region and allow us to sketch a trajectory of change over time (Beekman and Weigand 2008). The earliest dated evidence of occupation at any of these sites dates to 300 B.C., but construction of the guachimontones began by 100 B.C. The largest circles excavated are those at the large center of Guachimontoń and the sizable community of Navajas, and there is an exceptional amount of construction that took place at the former. There is evidence for fortified or strategic centers at the entrances into the Tequila Valleys, perhaps suggesting that the Tequila Valleys (though nothing outside of central Jalisco) had become politically unified around the center of Guachimontoń (Beekman 1996b, c). Stuart’s (2003, p. 241, 2005) project on the raised fields and canals used for intensified agriculture in the western part of the central valleys (Weigand 1993a) indicates that they were built by the beginning of the Classic period. Locally made artifacts indicating elite status, like obsidian jewelry and hollow ceramic figures, disappeared from rural contexts like the cemetery of Tabachines but continued in ceremonial centers such as Guachimontoń, Navajas, and Llano Grande and in the shaft tombs from Huitzilapa and San Sebastiań (Beekman 2005; Beekman and Weigand 2008; Galvań Villegas 1991; Long 1966; Ramos and Lo´pez Mestas 1996). We may hypothesize increasing centralization of control over markers of authority. Most of

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the evidence for long-distance trade pertains to this period, but such goods were ultimately deposited in elite and particularly burial contexts. The tradition of using shaft-and-chamber tombs for the interment of the dead, especially the elite, became widespread in far western Mexico during the last part of the Late Formative. Radiocarbon dates and/or distinctive ceramics show that shaft tombs were used at many locations in Jalisco (Beekman 1996b, pp. 198–201, 278– 287; Corona Nun˜ez 1955; Galvań Villegas 1991; Long 1966; Mountjoy 1993, pp. 28–30; Mountjoy and Sandford 2006; Scho¨ndube 1980, pp. 172–212; Valdez 1994), Colima (Kelly 1978, 1980; Olay Barrientos 1993), Nayarit (Corona Nun˜ez 1954; Gifford 1950; Mountjoy 1970, pp. 74–78), and Guanajuato (Darras and Fauge`re 2007) by at least this period, while those in the northern canyons of Jalisco and Zacatecas (Cabrero Garcıá 1989, 1991, 1993, 2005; Cabrero Garcıá and Lo´pez Cruz 1997, 2002, pp. 125–129) are slightly later. Undated shaft tombs have now been identified in the basin of the Rıó Tepalcatepec in southwestern Michoacań (Lo´pez Camacho and Pulido Mendez 2005). It is evident, however, that there are many different local activities that were practiced in these subterranean chambers, and there is less support for calling them all shaft tombs. For example, cremations were stored in pots inside the shaft tombs found along the coast (Mountjoy 1993, pp. 28–30) and in the northern canyons (Cabrero Garcıá and Lo´pez Cruz 2002), while the tombs outside central Jalisco had fewer chambers and shorter access shafts. There are significant transformations in central Jalisco at the very end of the Late Formative (Beekman 2007). The later excavated circles, particularly those constructed after the threshold of A.D. 200 at Llano Grande and Huitzilapa, are much smaller in size. The building activities that continued at Guachimontoń were modifications of existing circles and not new constructions. Future work will need to corroborate this pattern, but present evidence suggests a change in the trend toward centralization, with a shift toward stability or perhaps fragmentation at the dawn of the Classic period. The contemporaneous shaft tombs at the rural cemetery of Tabachines are characterized by decreasing size, decreasing number of occupants, and decreasing number of offerings (Beekman and Galvań Villegas 2006). This may reflect the increasingly marginal position of this cemetery just outside the Tequila Valleys, but it may also point to broader trends away from the importance of corporate groups in rural areas. Yet Stuart’s radiocarbon dates from excavations in the raised fields in the Magdalena Basin suggest that the fields were still very much in use and, indeed, were elaborated during that period (Stuart 2003, p. 241). One interesting change, which may signal that the Tequila polity had merely shifted strategies, is the exportation of the circular architecture to distant regions, albeit in a discontinuous manner (Fig. 4). Although small guachimontones are found across all states that border Jalisco, the only ones dated by radiocarbon are those from the Bolanõs Canyon to the north. There the dates associated with guachimontones and their accompanying shaft tombs (Cabrero Garcıá and Lo´pez Cruz 2002, pp. 125–129) directly parallel those for the remainder of the Classic period in central Jalisco. The circles at Comala in Colima (P. Weigand, personal communication, 2005), at Tepecuazco in the Juchipila Valley of southern Zacatecas (Lelgemann 2005; Weigand et al. 1999), and at Los Braziles in the coastal Banderas Valley (Mountjoy 2000, p. 90; Mountjoy et al. 2003) are all dated by their ceramics

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to between A.D. 200 and 600. This puts all the dated circles outside the core during the Classic period and suggests a greater degree of political dynamism over that period than we had previously been able to define. These circles are not likely to have been imposed by some centralized power in the Tequila Valleys or carried by expanding populations and were probably adopted by local rising elites for associated agricultural rituals and opportunities to consolidate their own power (Beekman 2000). Most areas of the far western highlands that began to use shaft-and-chamber tombs or guachimontoń temples were regions that already shared some cultural affinities, but the societies of the cultural subregion in the Bajıó and the eastern Michoacań highlands were centralizing under a separate impetus. In the Bajıó, settled communities continued in the Chupıćuaro area. The public architecture at the core of these settlements was no longer the circular mounds or patios of the Late Formative (Darras and Fauge`re 2005) but was more diverse, based around the central module of an enclosed patio, often with a central altar (e.g., Ca´rdenas Garcıá 1999a; Ramos de la Vega and Crespo 2005). Public buildings of this form may just predate the Late Formative in southern Guanajuato and Quere´taro (Castan˜eda and Cano Romero 1993; Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1988, pp. 323–324; Crespo Oviedo 1991a), where ‘‘Chupıćuaro’’ ceramics (phase unspecified) have been found in some of these sites, but the enclosed patios most securely pertain to the Classic period (Filini and Ca´rdenas 2007). Communities bringing their style of public buildings with them expanded into northern Guanajuato and south into Michoacań. The timing for this expansion is unclear, as absolute dates are limited, but these communities must have been in northwest Guanajuato by the Early to Middle Classic (Zubrow 1974, pp. 41–43); ceramics suggesting the first agricultural colonies in southern San Luı´s Potosı´ (Rodrı´guez 1985) also date to that time. Although Late Formative Loma Alta phase populations in the lake basins of the Michoacań highlands had leadership positions based on ritual associations (Pereira 1999), cremated their dead, and interred them in ceramic vessels (Carot 2001), the enclosed patio architecture is not attested there until the Loma Alta 2b phase at Loma Alta in the Zacapu Basin (Arnauld et al. 1993; Carot 2001; Carot and FauvetBerthelot 1996; Carot et al. 1998; Pollard 2008, p. 220). Slightly later examples occur at Erongarıćuaro in the Pa´tzcuaro Basin (Pollard 2005b), Santa Marıá to the east (Manzanilla Lo´pez 1996), and perhaps at Tingambato to the southwest (Pinã Chań and Oi 1982). Loma Alta communities participated in long-distance obsidian trade, but prismatic blade technology was an import from central Mexico (Pollard 2008, p. 220). Other populations farther south (the Rıó Tepalcatepec region of southwestern Michoacań and the middle reaches of the Rıó Balsas) are documented but are not yet known to have participated in this architectural tradition (Cabrera Castro 1986, 1989; Kelly 1947; Paradis 1974). The Bajıó was unified only in the sense of sharing a generalized architectural tradition based on enclosed patios, and Ca´rdenas (1999a) has reconstructed several distinct polities through a spatial analysis. Societies in this region interacted differently with the highland polities to the west and east. In the western Bajıó are numerous settlements with small solitary guachimontones, often in a discrete sector of the community (e.g., Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1988, Fig. 17; Crespo Oviedo 1993;

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Filini and Ca´rdenas 2007; Moguel Cos and Sańchez Correa 1988; Sańchez Correa and Marmolejo Morales 1990, Fig. 4). These appear intrusive and may be isolated outposts situated in alien territory (Beekman 2000; Weigand 2000). The eastern Bajıó and eastern Michoacań highland subregion had architectural and ceramic connections to central Mexico, suggesting close interaction though not necessarily dominance. I have already mentioned the similarities that have been drawn between Chupıćuaro and the central Mexican center of Cuicuilco (Darras 2006). These links are insecurely dated but presumably pertain to Ticoman III times in the Basin of Mexico, or about 300–150 B.C. Following this are links to Teotihuacan, thought by many scholars to indicate trade or dominance (Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1988, p. 326; Crespo Oviedo 1998; Manzanilla Lo´pez 1996; Saint Charles Zetina 1996). The enclosed patio architecture, for example, may have its origin in central Mexico, since three-temple complexes resembling the most complex forms from Guanajuato began at Teotihuacan by the Tzacualli phase (A.D. 1–100) (Rattray 1991, p. 4). The ceramic evidence for contact with Teotihuacan pertains to two distinct periods—the site of Barrio de la Cruz in Quere´taro includes Tzacualli phase ceramics from central Mexico, while the remainder of the clearly dated evidence across Guanajuato and Quere´taro pertains to the TlamimilolpaXolalpan phases (c. A.D. 200–600) (Brambila and Velasco 1988; Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1996; Crespo Oviedo 1998 , pp. 325–326, 330; Saint Charles Zetina 1996, p. 148, 1998, pp. 337–339). Most such ceramics occur in burial contexts, and Filini and Ca´rdenas (2007) find them to be quite infrequent and hardly indicative of Teotihuacan dominance or even direct contact. The dating for cases in Michoacań (specifically the Cuitzeo Basin) is less specifically assigned to the Classic period (Ca´rdenas Garcıá 1999b; Filini and Ca´rdenas 2007; Manzanilla Lo´pez 1996). Filini (2004; Filini and Ca´rdenas 2007) summarizes much of this information (see also discussions in Carot 2001; Pollard 2005b) and uses data from the Cuitzeo Basin to develop a model of Teotihuacan contact. Filini and Ca´rdenas conclude that some artifacts such as Thin Orange pottery and Pachuca obsidian are actual imports, but that more common are local imitations of Thin Orange vessels. Clearly, Teotihuacan and its products held some ideological weight, but ceramic designs, imports, and copies are found in largely elite contexts that these authors consider more indicative of careful and autonomous selection by local elites. Loma Alta phase artifacts and perhaps people from Michoacań have been identified from multiple contexts at Teotihuacan (Go´mez Cha´vez 1998, 2002; Go´mez Cha´vez and Gazzola 2007; White et al. 2004), so some aspects of this communication appear to be bidirectional. When considering Teotihuacan’s importance in this area, we are confronted repeatedly with the notion that Teotihuacan was a center of potent ideological status, but there is little indication of its direct involvement in local matters. The model of Teotihuacan interaction is very much parallel to what I have suggested (Beekman 2000) for the adoption of most guachimontones outside the Tequila Valleys—local elites adopting symbolically charged architecture for use in their very local power struggles. We should consider the possibility that the shift from circular mounds and patios to enclosed patio architecture in the Bajıó in the Late Formative may have its roots in the waning status of Cuicuilco and the rise of Teotihuacan (Florance 2000). The Bajıó polities may have leaned greatly on their

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connections to central Mexican powers to justify their authority. Darras (2006) sounds a note of caution about the database here, as the ceramic ties between these two areas are apparently less well substantiated than is often claimed; these are viable hypotheses to specifically test in the field. Farther to the west and separated from trends in the Bajıó by the archaeologically unknown territory of Los Altos of northeastern Jalisco are the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental. Small sedentary agricultural communities with simple decorated ceramic vessels and rectangular residences built directly on the soil are found here and across much of northwestern Mexico from early in the Late Formative period (Foster 2000). The first arrival of farmers in the Malpaso Valley c. 500-400 B.C. has only recently been posited through evidence for land clearance (Nelson et al. n.d.). But in the Early Classic, villages of the Chalchihuites culture began to emerge. They are defined by public architecture composed of enclosed patios and pottery with similar counterparts in the Bajıó. Classificatory debates dominated the literature for many years, with some arguing that Chalchihuites sites represent a dominant foreign presence over local Loma San Gabriel culture populations (Kelley 1971, 1985), while others saw a continuum between the two, with Chalchihuites as an autochthonous development (e.g., Hers 1989). Most distinguish the sites located in the Malpaso Valley of southern Zacatecas and focused on the hilltop site of La Quemada from the Chalchihuites sites in the Suchil Valley of northwestern Zacatecas such as the ceremonial center of Alta Vista, although both possess certain similarities in architecture and ceramics. Neither settlement presents extensive evidence for activity at that time, though to be clear most research in those areas has focused on the later Epiclassic. During the Classic, the evidence for social hierarchy, pottery trade networks, or mineral resource exploitation (Schiavitti 1996; Strazicich 1998) is limited. Surveys have been carried out in both areas in recent years (Co´rdova Tello 2007; Elliott 2005), and the results will be important for clarifying the origins of these populations. On the Pacific Coast, population grew rapidly over this period. Mountjoy sees subsistence along the Nayarit and Jalisco coasts as continuing a mixed pattern and quantifies finds of both marine shell and animal bone to support this. He argues that the movement of settlements farther inland at that time does suggest greater emphasis than before on agriculture (Mountjoy 1970, pp. 74–87, 1989, p. 21). Certainly contact with the highland interior appears more important than previously, and isotopic studies of diet would be an important contribution and useful comparison to existing studies in coastal Chiapas and Guatemala. Contact between the coast and the societies of the highland lake basins followed the comparatively easy routes down the Rıó Santiago, the Rıó Ameca, and the Rıó Armerıá. At their termini we find small communities burying their dead in shaft-and-chamber tombs (although often with significant variations such as urn cremations) along the coast of Colima and in the Banderas and San Bla´s Valleys of southern Nayarit (Kelly 1978, 1980, pp. 3–6; Mountjoy 1970, pp. 74–87, 1993, pp. 28–30; Mountjoy and Sandford 2006). The tombs are found along with small ceremonial centers with mounds and open plazas (Mountjoy 2000, p. 90). The intervening and newly populated Cihuatlań and Tomatlań River valleys of the Jalisco coast are equally interesting. There shaftand-chamber tombs do not appear to have been part of the burial repertoire,

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although cemeteries of pit burials were (Meighan 1972; Mountjoy 1982, pp. 326– 327; 1989, pp. 20–22, 2000, p. 91). External ties are clearest with the rugged interior of southwestern Jalisco (Kelly 1945a, 1949). La Pintada, a site with an estimated population of over 1000 inhabitants, and the massive refuse area at Morett point to significant population growth and aggregation. Intensive craft production appeared at La Pintada in the Tomatlań Valley (Mountjoy 1982, p. 323, 1989, p. 21) and Playa del Tesoro on the northern Colima coast (Beltrań Medina 1994, 2001), where extensive shell workshops may have supplied the interior’s demands for decoration or funerary items. This in turn may have linked this area of the coast to distant trade networks; Mountjoy (2000, p. 90) mentions other likely imports, including Caribbean shell and jade at La Pintada; Beltrań Medina (1994) argues for links to distant Teotihuacan. The Classic period along the coast is unclear in some areas, perhaps because differences between Classic and Late Formative ceramics have not yet been identified and so the Late Formative materials appear to continue for nearly a millennium. It took years of research for the ceramics of Colima, Nayarit, and highland Jalisco to be separated out (e.g., Beekman and Weigand 2008; Kelly 1980; Valdez 2005; Zepeda Garcıá Moreno 2001). That period was the heyday of the shaft-and-chamber tomb mortuary tradition in Colima (Kelly 1978, 1980), and guachimontoń architecture occurred simultaneously with the tombs both there and to the northwest, where the Rıó Ameca leaves the upland canyons and hits the wide coastal plain (Mountjoy 2000, p. 90; Mountjoy et al. 2003). Ceramics comparable to those in Colima occur farther southeast along the coast of Michoacań as part of the first evidence for population there (Novella and Moguel Cos 1998; Novella et al. 2002), suggesting colonization and/or interaction in that direction. The dynamism of this period is only beginning to be understood, but it is defined by increasing social and political complexity.

Epiclassic period (A.D. 500/600–900) First, a terminological note. I use the term Epiclassic in its sense of marking the period of upheaval between Teotihuacan and Tula, but Late Classic is used more frequently in areas of western Mexico (largely Michoacań) that show greater continuity across this period. The Epiclassic is the second major time period for which there is a great deal of new research, and a number of interpretive proposals have emerged that help consolidate the situation. This was a period of extreme change across western Mexico, with implications far beyond the region into other parts of Mesoamerica (Fig. 5). Basic work on linking chronological sequences led to the recognition of a number of cross-ties in architecture, ceramic complexes, and figurines originally thought to encompass Guanajuato to central Jalisco and extending north along the Sierra Madre Occidental to La Quemada and Alta Vista in Zacatecas (Jimeńez Betts 1988, 1992). This was interpreted at the time as a world system centered on Teotihuacan and extending into northwest Mexico (Jimeńez Betts 1992). Still, radiocarbon dates (Nelson 1997) and further detailed comparisons emerged that linked these complexes in a chain extending from central Jalisco to the

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Fig. 5 Epiclassic period sites of western Mexico

Coyotlatelco complex in central Mexico (Beekman 1996a). Although these ceramics are still sometimes referred to unhelpfully as a red-on-buff tradition, there are actually various decorative mediums, colors, vessel forms, and new designs that co-occur across most of the areas considered. The greatest continuity in ceramic designs and architecture in this transformation lies in the Bajıó, which some authors believe experienced a population expansion (Brambila Paz and Crespo 2005; Wright Carr 1999). Major centers receiving archaeological attention in recent years include Plazuelas, Canãda de la Virgen, Peralta y El Co´poro, and Cerro Barajas (Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 2007; Migeon and Pereira 2007; Pereira et al. 2005); the main finding to date seems to be the lack of synchronicity in their occupational sequences over the Late Formative through Early Postclassic periods. The enclosed patio architecture and ceramic complex either replaced or significantly impacted prior customs across the highlands close to the Rıó Lerma and to a lesser extent the societies east of the Sierra Madre Occidental (Beekman 1996a). Mortuary customs were altered in many regions, but in different ways. One widespread new pattern was the use of stone-lined pit tombs, as cemeteries in rural areas (Scho¨ndube and Galvań Villegas 1978), for the special burials of sacrificed deity impersonators (Holien and Pickering 1978), or as crypts for large numbers of individuals over extended periods of time (Pinã Chań and Oi 1982; Pollard and Cahue 1999); some of these manifestations suggest a resurgence of corporate descent groups.

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Two of the best studied sites from this period are Alta Vista in the Suchil Valley of northern Zacatecas and La Quemada in the Malpaso Valley of southern Zacatecas. The former has not received sustained attention in recent years, and older interpretations of the site as linked to Teotihuacan continue to have an influence on current scholarship (despite Kelley 1985). After decades of ungrounded theories about La Quemada, this hilltop site and the surrounding valley are becoming better understood. The site belongs squarely in the Epiclassic (Nelson 1997) and aggregated quite rapidly around a ceramic complex with undoubted similarities to those of the Bajıó and Alta Vista. The site is visually spectacular, with massive terraces creating flat spaces for residential and ceremonial architecture. A tall and narrow pyramid, a ball court, and numerous enclosed patios with central altars and pyramids at one end form the repertoire of public architecture. The site is most notorious for the widespread display of partial human remains (Nelson et al. 1992), which may represent the display of sacrificed captives or venerated ancestors (Martin et al. 2004; Pe´rez et al. 2008). Studies at the site have tended to characterize the elite hierarchy as expressing their social position in more subtle ways, such as in food practices (Turkon 2004). Research has more often pointed to difference rather than hierarchy in La Quemada society (Millhauser 1999; Wells 1998, 2000). The timing of the Epiclassic changes continues to evolve. My earlier correlation of ceramic complexes ran into the problem that the western Mesoamerican phases corresponding to the changes tended to have one or two radiocarbon dates apiece (Beekman 1996a), but I concluded that the changes in question appeared to pertain to the period A.D. 550–900. Later radiocarbon dates from Coyotlatelco contexts in central Mexico (Nichols and Charlton 1996; Parsons et al. 1996) and from La Quemada at the opposite end of the region (Nelson 1997) support this dating. But recent work in La Higuerita in central Jalisco encountered new architecture, ceramic types, and burial patterns, and excavations there have produced radiocarbon dates beginning around A.D. 400 (Lo´pez Mestas, personal communication, 2005; Lo´pez Mestas and Montejano Esquivias 2003), immediately following or overlapping the recently redated sequence in that area (Beekman and Weigand 2008). Clearly, a central linchpin in this sequence is the Bajıó, where a robust chronological anchor is needed. Explanations for change across such a wide expanse of Mesoamerica are likely to be multifaceted. One interpretation that has widespread support is that of political reorganization (Beekman and Christensen 2003, pp. 147–149), sometimes conceptualized as a restructuring of the Mesoamerican world system (Jimeńez Betts 2006, 2007). The complex political system centered in the Tequila Valleys of central Jalisco collapsed, and the use of guachimontoń architecture and shaft-and-chamber tombs ceased throughout the western highlands (Beekman and Christensen 2003; Weigand 1990), even as multiple new political centers of various sizes emerged. The ceremonial center of Alta Vista was built in the Suchil Valley of Zacatecas, oriented toward astronomical observations at the Tropic of Cancer (Aveni et al. 1982; Kelley 1971). Farther south in the Malpaso Valley, construction at the fortified hilltop center of La Quemada took place primarily in this period (Nelson 1997). Other new ceremonial centers emerged in the Jalisco highlands at El Grillo (Galvań Villegas and Beekman 2001), Ixte´pete (Galvań Villegas 1975), Santa Cruz

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de Ba´rcenas (Weigand 1990), and the recently discovered La Higuerita (Lo´pez Mestas and Montejano Esquivias 2003). New towns were founded even in areas where the transformation in material culture was less extensive, as in Michoacań. Sites like Tingambato (Pinã Chań and Oi 1982), Urichu (Pollard and Cahue 1999), Guadalupe (Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998; Pereira 1999), Zaragoza (Fernańdez Villanueva 2004), and Jiquilpan (Noguera 1944) emerged as new centers of population and authority in the associated Lupe phase (Pollard 2008, pp. 221–223). Leadership positions were linked to warrior status (Pereira 1999) and have been argued to be associated with the earliest water control features in the Pa´tzcuaro Basin (Fisher et al. 1999). Some of the new sites made use of the talud-tablero architectural facades so often associated with Teotihuacan but in forms that postdate that urban center (Beekman 1996a). This process of Epiclassic political balkanization has, of course, been recognized for Mesoamerica in general for many years. An intensification of resource exploitation can be explained within a political reorganization framework as well. The multitude of small unstable polities scrambled for legitimization in the highly volatile political environment, and there was a greatly increased demand for exotic materials and innovative iconography as new symbols of authority (Beekman and Christensen 2003, pp. 145–149; Pollard and Cahue 1999). It has been argued that copper metallurgy made its first appearance in Mesoamerica through direct interaction with metallurgists from northwestern South America. The new technology was used to make bells, rings, needles, and tweezers through lost-wax casting and cold working (Hosler 1994, pp. 44–85). The only Epiclassic sites with metal are not well published, however. The turquoise-processing workshop at Alta Vista was extremely active and accompanied a general increase in the importation of this exotic resource from the American Southwest (Weigand and Garcıá de Weigand 2001; Weigand and Harbottle 1992). The extensive mines at nearby Chalchihuites were devoted to the extraction of chert for jewelry and other minerals, probably for pigment (Schiavitti 1996; Weigand 1968). Paint of this kind could have been used for the colorful and exotically decorated Pseudo-Cloisonne´ ceramics and their variants (Holien 1977), which were more widely used than before, extending to Jalisco, Zacatecas, and Guanajuato. Exploitation of the Ucareo and Zina´paro obsidian mines of northern Michoacań expanded greatly, and their products were transported across Mesoamerica (Darras 1999; Healan 2004), forming major parts of the assemblage at the major central Mexican centers of Xochicalco and Tula (Healan 1998, 2004). The still obscure cinnabar mines of Quere´taro’s Sierra Gorda may have increased in use, and a cinnabar-to-mercury processing site at San Jose´ Ixtapa dates to that period (Barba and Herrera 1986; Secretaria de Patrimonio Nacional 1970). The intensification of production at the salt works of south-central Jalisco shows that less exotic materials experienced increased demand as well (Liot 2000), although it is unclear whether the market population had increased or not. Lo´pez Austin and Lo´pez Lujań (1999) have recently argued that part of the Epiclassic transformation across Mesoamerica was the expansion of a new world religion based on the feathered serpent. Certainly some of the evidence for ceramic decoration and for the postmortem modification of human remains (Martin et al. 2004; Nelson et al. 1992; Pereira 1996; Pe´rez et al. 2008) could fit this view. But as Christensen and I have noted previously (Beekman and Christensen 2003, p. 149),

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once these ideas reached the greater population centers of central Mexico, the different major Epiclassic centers used many of the same motifs but combined them in different ways that led to quite different styles at each site (e.g., Xochicalco vs. Cacaxtla). Experimentation is the major theme across Epiclassic centers, and while new ideas may indeed have been in the wind, different polities promoted different versions of the story. At the scale of ordinary people, utilitarian vessel forms and decoration other than designs also changed in some areas, indicating a more profound rupture at the level of everyday life than the spread of religious beliefs (Beekman 1996a). The Epiclassic political reorganization summarized above coincides with late first millennium intensification of drier conditions, as recorded in various paleoclimatic studies across the western highlands (Fisher et al. 2003; Israde Alcańtara et al. 2005; Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007; Metcalfe et al. 2007) and beyond (Hodell et al. 1995). The hypothesis that climatic downturn in the north eventually led to the region’s depopulation dates back to Armillas (1969), and while the model does not seem to explain the original test case (La Quemada, see Nelson et al. n.d.), it deserves serious consideration along the Rıó Lerma. Depopulation of the area north of the Lerma is indeed the ultimate outcome of the Epiclassic transformation, but it was preceded by political intensification, making the picture more complicated than simple response to climatic stimulus. Very similar social disruptions occurred in central Mexico at that time, associated with the fall of Teotihuacan and the appearance of new ceramics and architecture during the Coyotlatelco phase (recently the subject of numerous studies in Kowalski and Kristin Graham 2007; Solar Valverde 2006). A growing number of researchers have proposed that those changes partly follow the physical movement of populations out of a source area near the Bajıó and into the highlands (e.g., Beekman and Christensen 2003; Braniff 1972, 1999, 2005; Carot 2005; Hers 1989, 2005; Mastache and Cobean 1989; Mastache et al. 2002; Michelet et al. 2005; Nelson and Crider 2005; Paredes Gudinõ 2004), with a variety of interpretations of the process. Some researchers speak of Chichimecs as the migrants in question (e.g., Braniff 2005; Hers 1989; Jimeńez Moreno 1959), while Christensen and I see them as dislocated farmers (Beekman and Christensen 2003). Regardless, these migrations followed earlier Classic period trade and communication routes that had linked the Bajıó with both central Jalisco and central Mexico. This corresponds very well to a reinterpretation of the ethnohistoric evidence that argues that Nahuatl speakers entered central Mexico prior to the Postclassic period (Beekman and Christensen 2003, pp. 120–127; see also the debate between Dakin and Wichman [2000] and Kaufman and Justeson [2007]), and a more recent study that argues that Nahuatlspeaking communities were in place in the Mezquital Valley of western Hidalgo by the 6th century A.D. (Christensen and Beekman 2005). Other scholars have argued that any migrations into the area did not occur until the Early Postclassic (e.g., Fournier and Vargas Sanders 2002). Jimeńez Betts (2006, 2007) has recently polarized political reorganization versus migration as competing explanations for the Epiclassic changes, but the discussion here indicates that the two co-occurred in this case and many others (Beekman and Christensen 2003; Nelson and Crider 2005).

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Compared to the turmoil in the highlands, the coast was comparatively placid, with ceramic designs and decoration as evidence of contact with the interior highlands but without the abrupt change (Beekman 1996a). There was instead a notable increase in population and economic diversification, and larger ceremonial centers were established in at least the Banderas and Tomatlań Valleys (Mountjoy 2000, pp. 93–95). The difference is that older intrusive forms of ceremonial architecture (such as the guachimontones) were replaced by different ones, including sunken courtyards and small pyramids. In some ways, this period suggests the beginnings of the reorganization along the coast that characterized the Early Postclassic.

Postclassic period (A.D. 900–1522) The Postclassic is widely regarded as a period of continuing aridity, contributing to the abandonment of the north-central part of Mesoamerica (Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007). Population in the Bajıó declined steeply in the Early Postclassic period (if not earlier, see Filini and Ca´rdenas [2007] for a decline after A.D. 700) (Fig. 6). Recent research has not added to the handful of sites in Quere´taro, eastern Guanajuato, and southern San Luı´s Potosı´ that show connections to the multiethnic city of Tula in the Mezquital Valley of Hidalgo (Braniff 1972; Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1988, pp. 327–329, 1989, pp. 40–41, Mapa 5; Crespo 1976; Flores Morales and Crespo Oviedo 1988). The most prominent of these centers was El Cerrito (Crespo Oviedo 1991b) in southern Quere´taro. There imported pottery from Tula, chacmool and other sculptures, and substantial architectural platforms suggest an important center and active involvement by Tula in distant areas along the northern limits of sedentism. After c. A.D. 1100, with a few exceptions along the border with Michoacań (e.g., Gorenstein et al. 1985; Healan and Hernańdez 1999; Wright Carr 1999, p. 84), sedentary populations in Guanajuato either disappeared or became unrecognizable (Castan˜eda Lo´pez et al. 1988, 1989), in spite of paleoclimatological evidence of wetter conditions and a recovery from the Epiclassic desiccation (Metcalfe 2006; Metcalfe and Davies 2007; Metcalfe et al. 2007). Southern Quere´taro was largely abandoned as well, but mining support centers such as Ranas and Toluquilla in the Sierra Gorda of far northern Quere´taro may have continued well into the Postclassic (Mejıá 2005). The ceramic sequence in northern Zacatecas (Kelley 1971) and radiocarbon dates from certain sectors of La Quemada (Jimeńez Betts and Darling 2000; Trombold 1990) make it clear that although occupation continued into the Early Postclassic along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental, it was not as widespread as previous developments and archaeological invisibility soon followed. This collapse of the interior was undoubtedly related to the rise of Pacific Coast communities. There was much disruption of trade routes in the highlands and along the coasts (Ramı´rez Urrea et al. 2005). Earlier trade routes linking Mesoamerica with the American Southwest had followed the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental, but trade in materials like turquoise shifted to a coastal route (e.g., Weigand and Garcia de Weigand 2001). The forms of exchange and the existence of

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Fig. 6 Postclassic sites of western Mexico

merchants dedicated to moving goods between Mesoamerica and the Southwest are points of great debate (see Foster 1999; Kelley 2000), but trade and contact occurred in some form aided by the rise of coastal communities. From the Tomatlań Valley on the Jalisco coast north to Sinaloa emerged the Aztatlań complex (Beltrań Medina 2004), a term given to a string of towns sharing very similar ceramics and in very regular contact with one another. Each major river valley had a primary center along the river and close to the coast, such as Nahuapa in the Tomatlań Valley, Ixtapa in the Banderas Valley (Mountjoy 1993; Mountjoy et al. 2003), Chacalilla in the San Blas area (Mountjoy 1970), Amapa on the Rıó Santiago (Meighan 1976), and smaller centers farther up the coast (Ekholm 1942; Kelly 1938, 1945b). Many of them had public architecture in the form of pyramids and ball courts. Cemeteries made a reappearance on the coast at that time (Mountjoy 2000, p. 98). Mountjoy (2000, p. 96) notes that the location of the Aztatlań centers along rivers leading to the coast, but not directly on the coast itself, is an indication that both trade and more intensive floodplain agriculture were being combined into robust economies (see also Kelley 2000 on trade). He also refers, with varying degrees of supporting data, to the likely cultivation and exportation of tropical products like cotton and cacao among these sites. Centers farther north on the coast of Sinaloa and Nayarit may have cultivated tobacco (Mountjoy 2000, p. 96) and collected oysters (Scott and Foster 2000) for export. Craft production areas are also evident. Amapa, a Classic period site that grew rapidly at that time, had evidence for copper smelting

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and shell jewelry manufacture (Meighan 1976). Bordaz (1964) studied ceramic kilns at Pen˜itas, evidence for craft production that is still uncommon across Mesoamerica and has received very little further attention. M. Ohnersorgen’s (personal communication, 2007) recent project at Chacalilla in southern Nayarit is directed toward clarifying this diverse economic activity. Aztatlań-style ceramics extended inland up the Rıó Santiago or Rıó Ameca all the way to the Laguna Chapala (Bond 1971; Lister 1949; Meighan and Foote 1968) and presumably beyond, as many have related the elaborate Aztatlań iconography to the Mixteca-Puebla art style of the central highlands (Ekholm 1942; Smith and Heath Smith 1980). Hence some highland centers seem to have served as gateways to areas farther east; this includes the site of Oconahua, whose large tecpan-style palace is the subject of current excavations (Weigand et al. 2005). High-quality obsidian from the nearby source of La Joya, intensively mined and administered from Las Cuevas on the Laguna Magdalena, was transported great distances up and down the coastal route, based largely on visual identifications (Mountjoy 2000, p. 96; Spence et al. 2002; Weigand and Spence 1989). For the most part, there is insufficient new research on this period to characterize these trading towns politically or socially. Recent research at La Penã in the Sayula Basin is an exception, particularly in the reconstruction of shifting trade networks from Epiclassic to Early Postclassic (Liot et al. 2006a; Ramı´rez Urrea et al. 2005, Fig. 1). The cultural similarities among the Aztatlań sites decline in the Late Postclassic, yet these linked trading communities continued to grow in population and expand into new areas until the Spanish conquest (Mountjoy 2000, pp. 100–106). South of the Aztatlań sites and along the Colima coast, the major ceremonial center of El Chanal covered several square kilometers on the Rıó Colima. The site consists of public architecture in the form of a ball court, a columned structure, and several buildings with carved stairways depicting calendrical symbols and the Mesoamerican rain god and flayed god (Olay Barrientos 1998, 2004b). Copper, silver, and gold artifacts were numerous in burials here, predictably resulting in looting. El Chanal ceramically presents a very different picture from the Aztatlań sites in that its similarities to Early Postclassic Tula suggest more inland contacts (Kelly 1980; Olay Barrientos 2004b). Given similar claims for isolated evidence for Teotihuacan along the coast in earlier times (Beltrań Medina 1994; Matos and Kelly 1974; Taube 1998), one wonders whether there was a route of communication to central Mexico via the coast or Rıó Tepalcatepec to the Balsas rather than via the Rıó Lerma.

Michoacań Early/Middle Postclassic (A.D. 900–1350) The emergence of the Pure´pecha (Tarascan) empire in the Postclassic period is a major process that has received much more archaeological attention recently; it is the only area in western Mexico where a breakdown into Early/Middle and Late Postclassic is feasible. Both Tarascan and Pure´pecha are used to refer to this empire but neither is satisfactory as Pure´pecha is properly the name of the language group and Tarascan is an apparently postconquest term invented by the Spanish.

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Unlike central Mexico, where Spanish efforts to document native culture resulted in a wealth of ethnohistoric data, western Mexico has fewer surviving records to guide archaeological research. The most valuable is certainly the Relacioń de Michoacań (several new and online editions in Escobar Olmedo [2001 (1541)]; Espejel Carbajal [2009 (1541)]; Mendoza [2000 (1541)]), recorded by a Franciscan but incorporating the oral histories of Tarascan elites. This remarkable document describes the origins of the Tarascan state through cycles of internecine warfare following the movement of migrant Chichimecs from Zacapu south into the Pa´tzcuaro Basin. These migrants also are referred to as uacu´secha, or ‘‘eagles,’’ and are the ancestors of the royal lineage (Roskamp 2001). Recent analyses of the text have taken a less literal approach to its contents by delving into the multi-authored process of creating the text (Stone 2004) and dissecting the imperial charter that it formed (Haskell 2008). Haskell’s analysis focuses on the native views of power and authority present within the document, such as the unification of Chichimec migrants and indigenous Islanders that both created a social totality and established superior and inferior classes. The archaeological record for the period of state formation is more complex than might be gleaned from the story told in the Relacioń and has recently been summarized in detail (Pollard 2008). Perhaps the single dominant thread throughout this period is of ethnic and linguistic continuity from the Formative period Chupıćuaro or Loma Alta populations through the Postclassic. The competing towns of the Epiclassic (or Late Classic) phases across the Michoacań highlands form the backdrop for Postclassic developments. Outside the Pa´tzcuaro Basin, major longterm research has been carried out primarily north and northeast of Michoacań. The earlier Epiclassic increase in exploitation of the Ucareo source continued into the Early Postclassic, with products from this source at the central Mexican centers of Tula and Xochicalco (Healan 1998, 2004). But information from the Tula area indicates that this supply decreased dramatically over the course of the Early Postclassic Tollan phase (Mastache et al. 2002). Researchers in the Zacapu Basin of northern Michoacań (Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998; Fauge`re Kalfon 1996; Michelet 2001) have noted a major increase in population during the Early Postclassic, accompanied by a population shift from the lake basin into the defensible terrain of the surrounding sierra. A remarkable concentration of up to 20,000 people in an area of 5 km2 was formed in the nearly waterless and barren area of basaltic lava known as the Malpaı´s (Migeon 1998). New forms of architecture included elaborate columned halls, ballcourts, and monumental platforms, which the excavators have related to forms from the western Bajıó and Zacatecas. They argue that populations were moving out of the Bajıó at that time (Michelet et al. 2005), and the interaction between prior populations and newcomers could have provoked significant disruptions. There may well have been Nahuatl speakers from the Bajıó moving in on Pure´pecha speakers at that time, although they were more quickly absorbed into the population and did not have the impact that earlier migrants had in central Mexico or central Jalisco. Internal population movement appears more fundamental; the large populations of the Malpaı´s left the area later in the Postclassic (Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998; Migeon 1998), and another large cluster of settlement located closer to the Pa´tzcuaro Basin may have been short-lived as well (Pollard 2008).

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The ceramic sequence in the Pa´tzcuaro Basin does not align with that of the Zacapu project at critical points and is more detailed for the period of Tarascan state formation in the Early and Middle Postclassic (compare Arnauld and Fauge`re Kalfon 1998 with Pollard 2008). The research in the Pa´tzcuaro Basin has had a strong paleoecological focus, combining landscape studies with excavations at the provincial sites of Urichu and Erongarıćuaro. A dramatic process of growth brought the overall estimated population of the basin from 10,000 to 40,000 by A.D. 1350 (Pollard 2008, Fig. 12), doubling in the Early Postclassic Early Urichu phase and again during the Middle Postclassic Late Urichu phase. During that demographic expansion, the levels of Lake Pa´tzcuaro dropped to their lowest level until modern times due to the extreme aridity of the period (Fisher et al. 2003). The growing population colonized the newly available lands and left themselves extremely vulnerable to a reversal in lake levels. After A.D. 1100 the lake level rose in response to climatic shifts or geological activity (Israde Alcańtara et al. 2005; Metcalfe et al. 2007), drowning optimum farmland along the lakeshores (Fisher et al. 2003; see particularly Pollard 2008, Figs. 4, 5). Pollard argues that the combination of dramatic resource reduction following prior resource abundance and the existence of competing elites guaranteed the resulting intense conflict between independent kingdoms as they fought to maintain their resource base (Pollard 1982, 2008; Pollard and Gorenstein 1980). Pollard sees this conflict as leading to aggressive conquest by those kingdoms most affected by land inundation— Pa´tzcuaro and Tzintzuntzan, the most important cities of the later empire—and the formation of the Tarascan state by A.D. 1350. This ‘‘back story’’ to the more programmatic ethnohistoric account exemplifies how such written histories were politically expedient and formalized versions that are at best fragmentary accounts of complex processes (Haskell 2008). Michoacań Late Postclassic (A.D. 1350–1522) The documentary evidence has long portrayed the Tarascan empire as politically centralized relative to the Mexica empire. The Tarascan were ruled by a hereditary king, and a proliferation of lesser nobles held specific positions within a specialized and hierarchical bureaucracy. Major research in the Late Postclassic has addressed this picture of a centralized state through considerations of the role of identity within the empire, the degree to which the state extended its reach over the economy, and the state’s relationships with polities to the east and west. Many of these topics interrelate. For example, Pollard and Cahue (1999) contrasted burial offerings from Epiclassic and Late Postclassic Urichu. While Epiclassic elites followed a more network strategy (Blanton et al. 1996) and drew upon symbols of elite authority from foreign sources, the Late Postclassic elites possessed primarily locally produced elite goods that served as more home-grown symbols of power (Pollard 2000a, b). Urichu had become a less important center in the Late Postclassic, and these were not the highest royal elites who monopolized foreign goods. However, the widespread occurrence of artifacts associated with Tarascan elites speaks to a shared language of material symbols that helped define elites and the state (Acosta Nieva and Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997; Haskell 2008; Pollard 2008).

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Although the evidence from the Urichu burials might suggest that the state was monopolizing the production of elite symbols of authority (a view consistent with the ethnohistoric picture of the Tarascan state), current research points to a variety of relationships between the state and the economy. Pollard emphasizes that the Late Postclassic Tarascan economy was a dramatic change from the very local economies that immediately preceded it. She reconstructs the economy as a hybrid system whereby tribute in foodstuffs, cloth, and firewood was mobilized from conquered provinces, but other major resources such as copper and bronze working and obsidian from the Ucareo mines were state-controlled enterprises (Hirshman 2008; Pollard 1993, 2000a, b, 2008). Diverse materials show quite different patterns. Copper and bronze production appears to have been most clearly associated with the state, with political involvement in the extraction and smelting of copper. Sites in the Balsas area associated with copper mining are receiving attention now through survey and ´ lvarez’s (2008) study of metal excavation (Hosler 1999, 2004b). Maldonado A working in the Zirahuen area of the southern highlands has pointed out that the chain of discrete production steps involved would have made it easier for the state to prevent specialists of any one step in manufacture from learning the others. This may be important when considering the proposed state control over obsidian production at Ucareo. Darras (2008) has recently cast doubt on the model of state control of obsidian by examining the social contexts of blade producers in the Zinaparo-Cerro Varal source over time. According to her analysis, percussion blade production took place among rural part-time crafts producers living close to the source material during the Epiclassic and Early Postclassic. When population moved away from the sources to the Malpaı´s in the Middle Postclassic, it was the increased distance from the source and greater population concentration that necessitated shifts in the consolidation of the chaine d’operatoire and the beginnings of pressure blade production in Michoacań. She uses this to consider whether production directly at Ucareo might not have been in local hands even during the period of Tarascan dominance over the area. The presence of Ucareo obsidian elsewhere in Mesoamerica did diminish as the area came under Tarascan control, but this may not reflect direct appropriation (Healan 2004). Surprisingly, given the exotic nature of Tarascan ceramics and its apparent role in the construction of Tarascan elite identity, pottery production shows the least evidence of state control. Hirshman (2008) evaluates issues of labor investment, intensity of production, standardization, and source clays to conclude that Tarascan pottery was produced and distributed within a market system without state involvement. The expansion of the Tarascan empire and the maintenance of its boundaries remain important topics. Tarascan military expeditions were directed toward southern Jalisco, which was held only briefly but sufficiently to be identified archaeologically through the presence of individuals buried with Tarascan elite artifacts (Acosta Nieva and Urun˜uela Ladroń de Guevara 1997). More research has been done along the empire’s eastern border. The frontier in the northeast in particular appears to have been particularly porous, with various ethnic communities of Otomı´, Matlatzinca, and Nahuatl speakers. That trend has now been pushed

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back in time to the Middle Postclassic with the identification of enclaves of probable Otomı´ in the area of the Ucareo obsidian mines prior to Tarascan state formation (Hernańdez and Healan 2008), demonstrating the long history of links between northeastern Michoacań and the adjoining states of Quere´taro, Hidalgo, and Mexico. These links continued in the last century before the Spanish conquest. The Tarascan and Mexica empires first clashed directly in the mid-15th century in the Toluca Valley, followed by several later battles that favored first one and then the other (Pollard 2000b). The frontier between them continues to receive an impressive amount of research (Brambila Paz 1997, 1998; Hernańdez Rivero 1996; Silverstein 2000, 2001, 2002), with analyses of fortifications and considerations of frontier organization within a large and powerful empire.

Conclusions Western Mexican research has expended considerable effort on the question of regional identity. Is it part of Mesoamerica? Is it a cohesive region unto itself? The answers are becoming clearer even as archaeologists are becoming less interested in this kind of classificatory exercise. Some of the most important crops of the Mesoamerican subsistence regime were domesticated in or on the edge of western Mexico; shared deities, worldview, and rituals are now known beginning in the Early Formative period; and complex and regional political systems were in place by an early date. On the other hand, western Mexico itself does not form an integral unit and the crisscrossing ties of interaction cover but do not erase the subregional differences that are now becoming apparent. My concluding comments therefore cannot pertain to all parts of western Mexico because each area has different problems and prospects. I have proposed four subregions based on separate cultural practices and pathways that may provide the basis for discussion in future research. The coast is the most briefly treated here, and it needs more archaeological attention in the coming years to keep pace with economic development. The region has provided hints of early social complexity at El Caloń and a mixed subsistence base that does not emphasize agriculture until the Postclassic. These are issues that parallel those farther south along the Pacific Coast, and fruitful comparisons could be pursued in the future. The later Aztatlań sites along the coast are an opportunity to study craft production and exchange in competitive political economies and the conditions under which complex trading networks form. The eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental were colonized by agricultural populations at a later date than other regions and experienced a brief florescence in the Epiclassic before near abandonment of the region. This is an excellent region in which to study the interaction of ecology and politics through integrated archaeological and paleoenvironment studies. This region also has been well known since at least the 1970s for the profound social role of the postmortem treatment of human remains. The classic distinction between whether these are sacrificed captives or venerated ancestors has been pursued with clear relevance, and comparisons need not be limited to neighboring areas.

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As migration becomes a more serious topic for research in archaeology, the Epiclassic in western Mexico possesses great potential for theoretical, not culturehistorical, analysis. Unlike other archaeological examples of migration, this area possesses rich and confusing documentary accounts, detailed linguistic evidence, and a growing body of skeletal and genetic data that can be integrated to consider the topics of migration, ethnic identity, political instability, economic restructuring, and climate change. The highlands and Bajıó together include complex societies that differed from those elsewhere in Mesoamerica, and research has begun to emphasize those differences rather than try to force them into a mold of what Mesoamerican polities ‘‘should’’ look like. The Teuchitlan tradition or culture emerged in a social environment that emphasized ancestral ties to place, where it may have been impossible for any one family to monopolize social capital and establish a centralized kingship as in other areas of Mesoamerica. Research on the origins of this political system should be of high priority in the coming years while such sites still exist. The Tarascan empire was the most complex political system to have emerged in western Mexico, and it also contributes to an understanding of the diversity in imperial societies. The creation of a privileged political elite identity through material culture is a frequent theme worldwide, but the state’s ambivalent control over the ceramics that formed a central part of that identity invites deeper study and comparison. On the other hand, how was the Tarascan state able to establish control over some parts of the economy in contrast with the famously ‘‘hands-off’’ policy usually pursued by the Aztecs? Ten years ago I would have answered that the Tarascan state did not have to negotiate and engage with prior complex societies the way the Aztec did, but the highland polities of the preceding Classic and Early Postclassic are increasingly difficult to ignore. When writing in 1997, Pollard told us not to use the western Mexican data only to answer central Mexican questions, but to focus on problems of relevance to western Mexico. I would modify that statement today and say that we must pursue questions of interest that also are relevant elsewhere. Teuchitlan is not Teotihuacan, and the Tarascans are not the Aztecs. But by understanding these examples in their own unique social and historical context and showing how they are relevant to other research, we help sustain the more invigorated west Mexican research of recent decades. Acknowledgments I express my appreciation to Gary Feinman and Douglas Price for their invitation to write this article and for their patience. Linda Nicholas helpfully guided me through the editorial process. Space does not allow me to thank each of the region’s researchers who graciously provided vitaes and lists of their publications, but all were of great help. I ask their forgiveness for those works that were left out for reasons of space. David Grove, Ben Nelson, Helen Pollard, and the anonymous reviewers did an excellent job of identifying weaknesses or imbalances in the presentation, and I hope that I have responded effectively to their comments. Special thanks go to Achim Lelgemann for sharing his existing bibliography of northwest Mexico, to Melissa Logan for her art catalog bibliography, to Angeles Olay Barrientos and Helen Pollard for their lists of articles in two hard-to-find journals, and to Fernando Gonza´lez for sharing Ana Maria Crespo’s bibliography of the Bajıó region. Any errors remain my own.

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