Relation Between Academic Achievement and Social Adjustment ...

Developmental Psychology 1997, Vol. 33, No. 3, 518-525

Copyright 1997 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0012-1649/97/$3.00

Relation Between Academic Achievement and Social Adjustment: Evidence From Chinese Children Xinyin Chen

Kenneth H. Rubin

University of Western Ontario

University of Maryland

Dan Li Shanghai Teachers' University

A sample of children in Shanghai, P. R. China, initially aged 10 and 12 years, participated in this 2-year longitudinalproject. Information on academic achievementand indexes of social adjustment, including social competence, aggression, social inhibition, leadership, and peer acceptance, was collected from multiple sources. It was found that academic achievementpredicted children's social competence and peer acceptance. In turn, children's social functioning and adjustment, including social competence, aggression-disruption, leadership, and peer acceptance, uniquely contributed to academic achievement.These results generallysupported the "reciprocal effects" model concerning the relations between academic achievementand social adjustment (S. P. Hinshaw, 1992).

It has been reported that Chinese children perform better in academic achievement than do their North American age-mates (e.g., Stevenson et al., 1990). For example, Stevenson and his colleagues (Stevenson et al., 1990; Stevenson, C. Chen, & Lee, 1992, 1993) have found that, in both elementary and secondary schools, the average scores on reading and mathematics tests of Chinese children were remarkably higher than those of American children. Academic excellence in Chinese children may be due to traditional values and a strong emphasis on academic achievement in the Chinese culture (Ho, 1986). Because of limited opportunities to receive a higher education, academic competition is strong from kindergarten to high school. Furthermore, children are pressured by parents, teachers, and peers to perform optimally in school, and children who fail to meet high standards of academic achievement are often regarded as abnormal and problematic (e.g., Wu & Tseng, 1985). Although researchers have studied factors that may contribute to academic success in Chinese children, the research extant has focused primarily on strategies of classroom instruction

(e.g., Stevenson, 1992), achievement motivation (C. Chen & Stevenson, 1995 ), and, to a lesser extent, family influences such as parental monitoring (Stevenson et al., 1992, 1993). The purpose of the present study was to examine (a) whether social and emotional adjustment can predict academic achievement and (b) whether academic success or failure may contribute to the development of adaptive or maladaptive social functioning. We believed that an examination of the relation between social functioning and academic achievement would help us understand further the causes and significance of academic performance in Chinese children. The association between social performance and academic achievement has been demonstrated in a number of empirical studies in North America and West Europe (e.g., Green, Forehand, Beck, & Vosk, 1980; Havighurst, Bowman, Liddle, Mathews, & Pierce, 1962; Wentzel & Asher, 1995). In general, it has been found that children who display sociable and prosocial behavior are likely to achieve highly in academic areas (e.g., Green et al., 1980; Masten et al., 1995; Wentzel & Asher, 1995 ). In contrast, children who are disruptive and aggressive fare poorly on academic achievement (e.g., Dishion, 1990; Masten et ai., 1995). It has been found that social withdrawal and inhibition are also associated with academic difficulties among North American children (e.g., Green et al., 1980; Wentzel, 1991 ); socially inhibited and shy children tend to perform more poorly in school than their less inhibited counterparts. In addition to social behavior and functioning, it has been found that children's sociometric status covaries with academic achievement (e.g., Wentzel & Asher, 1995 ). Children who are accepted and liked by peers and hold leadership positions are likely to be high achievers in the school, whereas children who are rejected have academic difficulties. Several models have been proposed to explain the association between social functioning and social status in the peer group

Xinyin Chen, Department of Psychology, Universityof Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada; Kenneth H. Rubin, Department of Human Development,Universityof Maryland;Dan Li, Departmentof Educational Administration,Shanghai Teachers' University,Shanghai, People's Republic of China. The research described herein was supportedby grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. We thank Boshu Li, Zhen-yun Li, and Lei-ping Xu at Shanghai Teachers' University, who aided in data collection. We also thank the children in Shanghai, People's Republicof China, who participatedin this longitudinalproject. Correspondenceconcerningthis article should be addressed to Xinyin Chen, Department of Psychology, Universityof Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada N6A 5C2. Electronic mail may be sent via Internet to chen@sscl.uwo.ca. 518

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT and academic achievement (Hinshaw, 1992). In the first model, it is suggested that social performance affects academic achievement. It has been argued that children's social competence and interpersonal acceptance may constitute emotional and social resources for achievement in the school (e.g., Wentzel, 1991; Wentzel & Asher, 1995). For example, prosocial and cooperative behaviors may help create a classroom environment that is conducive to instruction and learning, whereas aggressive and hostile behavior may disrupt the processes of learning. Furthermore, children who are socially skilled may be cooperative and likely to receive requested aid during academic class work. In contrast, behaviorally deviant and socially rejected children may have fewer opportunities than others to receive assistance from peers with their schoolwork. Finally, social performance may have significant impact on emotional and motivational responses to the school, which, in turn, affect academic achievement. FOr example, children who are rejected, behaviorally disruptive, and aggressive may develop a negative affect and attitude toward the school milieu. As a result, they may become disinterested in school activities, including the learning of academic subject matter. Evidence for this model has derived mainly from longitudinal research programs that demonstrate that children who have social and behavioral problems tend to underachieve or fail in academic areas in subsequent years (e.g., Coie, Lochman, Terry, & Hyman, 1992; Ledingham & Schwartzman, 1984; Masten et al., 1995; Ollendick, Weist, Borden, & Greene, 1992). The second model concerning the link between social and relational performance and academic achievement indicates that academic achievement influences social behaviors and adjustment. According to this model, academic difficulties may lead to frustration, which in turn contributes to deviant social behaviors. In addition, academic achievement may determine social prestige in the peer group and consequently affect self-image. Children who do poorly in school may experience difficulties in obtaining positive status and respect among peers and develop negative self-perceptions of self-worth; consequently, these children may display socioemotional problems and eventually turn to deviant peers for support. Evidence from longitudinal studies has supported this model (e.g., McGee, Williams, Share, Anderson, & Silva, 1986); children with academic difficulties tend to develop maladaptive social behaviors and are subsequently rejected by peers and adults (e.g., Farrington, 1979; Maughan, Gray, & Rutter, 1985). Relatedly, intervention efforts reveal that children who receive academic remediation and who improve academically become more competent in their social interactions and have fewer socioemotional difficulties than those who do not receive treatment (Coie & Krehbiel, 1984; Kellam, Brown, Rubin, & Ensminger, 1983). Finally, it has been suggested that social functioning and academic achievement may interact with and influence each other (Hinshaw, 1992; Olweus, 1983). In this model, it is proposed that, although social functioning and adjustment may affect academic performance, academic achievement may, in turn, have some influence on social adjustment. Although conceptually plausible, the bidirectional model has been inadequately assessed in empirical research. This may be due mainly to methodological difficulties because an examination of simultaneous mutual influences requires longitudinal panel data on social performance and academic achievement.

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Academic achievement and social functioning are considered important indexes of adjustment in Chinese schools (X. Chen, Rubin, & Li, 1995b). According to the State Educational Outlines, the goals of school education in China are to help students "develop thoroughly in moral, intellectual and physical aspects and become a well-educated worker imbued with socialist consciousness" ( "The Goals of School Education," 1970). On the basis of collectivistic principles in school education, children's political, social, academic, and recreational activities are organized to reflect collectivistic ideology. For example, children are required to participate in extensive extracurricular group activities that are organized and controlled by formal organizations such as the Young Pioneer and the Youth League. In the group, children are encouraged to cooperate with each other and to maintain harmonious relationships with peers. At the same time, they are encouraged to help each other with schoolwork and to explore their common academic interests. Children are expected to develop appropriate social behaviors as well as academic competence through collectivistic activities. Furthermore, both social performance and academic achievement are frequently evaluated collectively by teachers and peers in Chinese schools. The results of these evaluations are announced in public venues. Because it is believed that awareness of shame elicits attempts to improve performance, children who have social and academic problems are often humiliated, both privately and publicly, by their teachers, parents, and peers. Given these social conditions in Chinese schools, it seemed reasonable to predict that, consistent with the bidirectional model (e.g., Hinshaw, 1992), social performance and academic achievement would influence each other in Chinese children. As in many Western studies (e.g., Masten et al., 1995; Rubin, X. Chen, & Hymel, 1993), children's social adjustment was assessed, in the present study, according to their social functioning and social status in the peer group. It has been found that the quality of peer relationships is a significant indicator of adjustment in Chinese and Western children (X. Chert, Rubin, & Sun, 1992; X. Chen et al., 1995b; Cole, Dodge, & Kupersmidt, 1990). Children who have difficulties in peer acceptance may be "at risk" for maladaptive development such as school dropout, definquency, and psychopathology (X. Chen, Rubin, & Li, 1995a; X. Chen et al., 1995b; Cole et al., 1990; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, in press). Thus, we hypothesized that peer acceptance would be positively related to academic success, whereas peer rejection would be positively associated with academic difficulties. Research on children's social functioning has focused mainly on sociability-cooperation, aggression-disruption, and shynessinhibition (e.g., Morrison & Masten, 1991 ). Consistent with the Western results (e.g., Rubin et al., in press), sociable-prosocial behavior is associated with peer acceptance and leadership, whereas aggressive-disruptive behavior is associated with, and predictive of, indexes of maladjustment in Chinese children (X. Chen et al., 1992; X. Chen et al., 1995a). Therefore, we hypothesized that prosocial and competent behavior would be positively predictive of academic achievement and that aggressive-disruptive behavior would be negatively associated with academic achievement. In the Western literature, social inhibition, which represents a behavioral manifestation of fearfulness and a lack of self-

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confidence, has been found related to indexes of maladjustment (e.g., Ollendick & Yule, 1990; Rubin, X. Chen, McDougall, Bowker, & McKinnon, 1995; Strauss, Forehand, Smith, & Frame, 1986). Moreover, shy-inhibited behavior has been conceptualized as reflecting psychological problems of an internalizing nature ( A c h e n b a c h & Edelbrock, 1981 ). Unlike in Western cultures, however, children in C h i n a are encouraged to be dependent, cautious, behaviorally inhibited, and self-restrained (Tseng & Hsu, 1969-70). Shy, restrained b e h a v i o r is positively evaluated and associated with indexes of adjustment in Chinese children (X. Chen et al., 1992). Given this positive evaluation of shy, anxious, and inhibited behavior, we expected that shynessinhibition would not be associated with academic difficulties in China. Indeed, we expected that shyness-inhibition and academic achievement would positively predict each other. In short, the purpose of the present study was to investigate the relations between Chinese children's social behaviors and peer relationships and their academic achievement. Data concerning children's academic achievement, social competence, social status, and peer acceptance were collected from a sample of children in four randomly selected ordinary schools in Shanghai, P. R. China. The same information was collected 2 years later. The longitudinal panel data on academic achievement and social performance allowed us to examine both concurrent and predictive relations between social performance and academic achievement. Moreover, we were able to examine cross-lagged reciprocal contributions between social and academic variables after the stability effects of the variables were controlled. It has been found consistently that children's academic achievement is highly stable (e.g., Block, 1971; Havighurst et al., 1962). Similarly, social behaviors, including aggression, shyness, and social competence, and social status in the peer group are stable during childhood and adolescence (e.g., X. Chen et al., 1995b; Coie & Dodge, 1983; Rubin et al., 1995). A n examination of unique contributions of social functioning to academic perform a n c e and of academic achievement to social adjustment would be important because the predictive associations between social and academic performance might be explained, to a great extent, by the stability of the variables. It was hypothesized that, consistent with the Western literature (e.g., Hinshaw, 1992), indexes of social competence, including prosocial and sociable behavior, peer acceptance and social status, and academic achievement, would predict each other. It was also posited that indexes of social incompetence, including aggressive-disruptive b e h a v i o r and peer rejection, and academic achievement would negatively predict each other. Finally, inconsistent with the Western findings (e.g., Green et al., 1980), shyness-social inhibition and academic achievement were expected to contribute to the prediction of each other. Method

Participants The original sample consisted of all fourth-grade children in two ordinary primary schools and sixth-grade children in two ordinary junior high schools in Shanghai, P. R. China. There were 245 children (128 boys and 117 girls) in the fourth grade and 237 children ( 127 boys and 110 girls) in the sixth grade. The mean ages of the children in fourth and sixth grades were 9 years 11 months (SD = 8 months) and 12

years 1 month (SD = 8 months), respectively. Two hundred eighty-two children in Grade 6 participated in the follow-up study 2 years later; 91 children were from the original Grade 4 sample. Two hundred thirtyseven children in Grade 8 participated in the follow-up study; 215 of these children had been in the original Grade 6 sample. The high rate of attrition in the original Grade 4 sample resulted from the children's attendance in several different junior high schools in sixth grade. Nonsignificant differences were found on the variables assessing social behaviors and academic achievement in the initial study between those children who participated in the follow-up study and those who did not. There were approximately 50 students (roughly equal numbers of boys and girls) in each class. Students in primary and high schools spent roughly the same amount of time in classroom. The schedule of courses and other academic activities was typically identical for students in one class. Students were not allowed to switch classrooms. The children were mainly from two kinds of families: (a) 73% of the children were from families in which parents were workers or peasants; most of them had an educational level of high school or below high school; and (b) 27% of the children were from professional families in which one or both of the parents were teachers, doctors, or officials; their educational levels ranged mainly from college to university graduate. Eighty-four percent of the children were only children in the family, and 16% of the children had one or more siblings. The sample was representative of school-age children in urban China.

Procedure The first set of data was collected in March 1992 (Time 1 ). The children were group administered a Chinese version of a peer assessment measure of social behavior (Revised Class Play; Masten, Morison, & Pelligrini, 1985 ) and a sociometric nomination measure. Teachers were requested to complete a rating scale for each participant concerning his or her school-related competence and problems (Teacher-Child Rating Scale [T-CRS]; Hightower et al., 1986). In addition, data concerning children's leadership and academic achievement were obtained from the school administrative records. Follow-up data collection was conducted in March 1994 (Time 2). The same information was recollected. The Western-based measures such as the Revised Class Play and the T-CRS were translated and back-translated to ensure comparability with the English versions. These measures have proved appropriate and valid in Chinese as well as other cultures (e.g., X. Chen& Rubin, 1994; X. Chen et al., 1995b; Krispin, Sternberg, & Lamb, 1992). The administration of all measures was carried out by a group of psychology teachers and graduate students at Shanghai Teachers' University. Schools in China act in loco parentis, and thus written parental permission was not obtained for the children. Nevertheless, the parents were aware that their children participated in the project.

Measures Peer assessments of social behavior. Peer assessments of social behavior were assessed using a Chinese version of the Revised Class Play (Masten et al., 1985). Consistent with the procedures outlined by Masten et al. (1985), during administration, each child was first provided a booklet in which each of 30 behavioral descriptors (e.g., "Someone who is a good leader") and the names of all students in the class were printed on each page. After the administrator read one behavioral descriptor, children were requested to nominate up to three classmates who could best play the role if they were to direct a class play. When all children in the class completed their nominations, they turned to the next item, until nominations for all 30 items were obtained. Subsequently, nominations received from all classmates were used to compute each item score for each child. The item scores were standardized within the class to adjust for differences in the number of nominators. Factor

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT analysis revealed three orthogonal factors in this measure: SociabilityLeadership, Aggression-Disruption, and Shyness-Sensitivity (X. Chen et al., 1992). Teacher ratings. In Chinese schools, one teacher is usually in charge of a class. This head instructor often teaches one major course, such as Chinese language or mathematics; he or she also takes care of the various political, social, administrative, and daily affairs and activities of the class. The head teacher usually instructs the same group of children over several years; thus, he or she is very familiar with the students. Following procedures outlined by Hightower et al. (1986), the head teacher in each class was asked to complete the T-CRS (Hightower et al., 1986) for each child in his or her class. The complete measure consists of two parts: (a) an assessment of children's problem behaviors and (b) an assessment of children's school competencies. Part I consists of 18 items describing problem behaviors. Consistent with the results of the original study (Hightower et al., 1986), three factors were identified: (a) Acting-Out/Aggression, (b) Shyness-Anxiety, and (c) Learning Problems. Part II of the TCRS consists of 20 items concerning school-related competencies. The items in this part of the original measure comprise four areas: (a) assertive social skills, (b) frustration tolerance, (c) task orientation, and (d) peer social skills (Hightower et al., 1986). Factor analyses revealed that the 20 items represented a single factor (X. Chen & Rubin, 1994). Thus, for purposes of the present study, we used only a global score, which we referred to as school social competence. The items comprising the peerassessed sociability-leadership variable and the teacher-assessed schoolrelated social competence variable reflected the same construct (X. Chert & Rubin, 1994). Moreover, the patterns of the relations between teacher ratings and peer assessnaents and academic achievement were virtually identical. Thus, to reduce the number of variables and overlap in analyses, peer and teacher assessment scores were standardized and then aggregated to form a single index of sociability-competence. Similarly, peer and teacher assessments of aggression and shyness were aggregated to form single indexes of the corresponding construct. Sociometric nominations. Children were asked to nominate three classmates with whom he or she most liked to be and three classmates with whom he or she least liked to be (positive and negative playmate nominations). In addition, children were asked to nominate the three classmates who were their best friends. The nominations received from all classmates were totaled and then standardized within each class to permit appropriate comparisons. The positive playmate nominations and positive friend nominations were found to be significantly correlated (rs = .71 and .63 at Time 1 and Time 2, respectively, p s < .001 ); consequently, they were summed to provide a single index of peer acceptance. The negative playmate nominations received from peers provided an index of peer rejection. Leadership. In Chinese schools, there are various formal and informal student organizations which are often hierarchical in nature. "Leaders" of these organizations, elected by peers and teachers, are usually believed to be good students, especially in aspects of behavior and morality. Data on student leadership were collected from school administrative records in the present study. Leadership was coded as follows: Students who were group leaders within the class received a score of 1; students who held leadership positions at the class level and at the school or municipal level received scores of 2 and 3, respectively. Students who did not hold leadership positions were given a score of 0. Academicachievement. Information concerning academic achievement in Chinese and mathematics was obtained for all participants f~om the school administrative records. The scores of academic achievement were based on objective examinations conducted by the school. Maximum scores for Chinese and mathematics were 100; a test score of 60 is usually considered the cutoff between a pass and a failure in a course. In the present study, scores on each of Chinese and mathematics were summed to form a single index of academic achievement (possible range = 0-200).

521 Results

Concurrent Relations Between Social Performance and Academic Achievement Academic achievement was significantly and positively correlated with s o c i a b i l i t y - c o m p e t e n c e ( r = .46 and .52, p s < .001 ), positive sociometric nominations ( r = .26 and .24, p s < .001 ), and leadership ( r = .33 and .49, p s < .001), at Time 1 and Time 2, respectively. I Also academic achievement was significantly and negatively correlated with a g g r e s s i o n - d i s r u p t i o n ( r = - . 1 7 and - . 2 5 , p s < .01 and .001) at Time 1 and Time 2, respectively, and with negative sociometric nominations ( r = - . 1 7 , p < .01, at Time 2). There were nonsignificant correlations between negative sociometric nominations and academic achievement at Time 1 and between s h y n e s s - i n h i b i t i o n and academic achievement at both Time 1 a n d Time 2.

Predictive Relations Between Social Performance and Academic Achievement Cross-lagged correlations. The results indicated that sociab i l i t y - c o m p e t e n c e , s h y n e s s - i n h i b i t i o n , positive sociometric nominations, and leadership at Time 1 were significantly and positively correlated with academic achievement at Time 2 ( r = .47, .12, .25, and .33, p s < .001, .05, .001, and .001, respectively). In contrast, aggression-disruption and negative sociometric nominations at Time 1 were significantly and negatively correlated with academic achievement at Time 2 ( r = - . 2 7 and - . 1 4 , p s < .001 and .01, respectively). The results also indicated that academic achievement at Time 1 was significantly and positively correlated with sociability-competence ( r = .42, p < .001), positive sociometric nominations ( r = .22, p < .001 ) and leadership ( r = .43, p < .001 ) at Time 2. Academic achievement at Time 1 was significantly and negatively correlated with aggression-disruption ( r = - . 14, p < .01 ) and negative sociometric nominations ( r = - . 1 0 , p < .05) at Time 2. A nonsignificant correlation between academic achievement at Time 1 and shyness-inhibition at Time 2 was obtained. Sociometric status and academic achievement. To examine the relations between academic achievement and sociometric status as assessed through the c o m m o n l y used classification approach (Coie, Dodge, & Coppotelli, 1982), we identified, at both Time 1 and Time 2, groups of popular, rejected, neglected, controversial, and average children on the basis of positive and negative nomination scores. The means and standard deviations on academic achievement for the different sociometric status groups are presented in Table 1. Analyses of variance indicated that at Time 1 popular children had significantly higher academic scores than rejected children. At Time 2 popular and average children had significantly higher academic scores than rejected children. The results also indicated that Time 1 popular,

There were nonsignificant grade differences in the variables of interest in the study. Furthermore, the effects of grade were examined, through a series of regression analyses, on concurrent and predictive relations between social performance and academic achievement. Nonsignificant grade differences in the relations were found. Thus, the data across grade were combined for all analyses in this study.

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Table 1 Relations Between Sociometric Status and Academic Achievement Academic achievement Time 1

Time 2

n

M

SD

63 51 67 17 108

157.40 146.00 152.08 150.82 150.92

17.49 22.09 18.45 23.75 18.97

76 50 57 17 106

155.76 145.56 148.86 151.88 152.85

18.91 21.05 21.89 18.93 17.79

Sociometric status

F(4, 301)

M

SD

147.33 132.22 143.39 141.65 145.47

22.47 23.29 25.58 26.08 24.87

149.04 133.37 139.64 142.94 144.85

22.81 26.84 24.20 22.00 24.68

F(4, 301)

2.48*

Time 1 Popular Rejected Neglected Controversial Average Time 2 Popular Rejected Neglected Controversial Average

3.27**

2.46*

3.17"*

*p < .05. * * p < .01.

average, and neglected children had significantly higher scores than the rejected group on Time 2 academic achievement and that Time 2 popular children had significantly higher scores than rejected children on Time 1 academic achievement. There were nonsignificant sex and grade effects on the relations between sociometric status and academic achievement. Regression analysis. Because the predictive correlations between social performance and academic achievement might be explained, in large part, by the stability of the variables, a series of multiple regression analyses was conducted mainly to control for the stability effects of the outcome variables. In all analyses, we entered sex into the equation in the first step to partial out sex differences. The corresponding Time 1 variable was entered in the second step to control for stability effects. To predict academic achievement at Time 2, each of the social adjustment variables at Time 1 was entered in the third step. Similarly, to predict each of the social adjustment variables at Time 2, academic achievement at Time 1 was entered in the third step. The analyses for the six social variables were conducted separately; thus, they had equal status in the prediction of academic achievement. Finally, the interaction between sex and each of the Time 1 variables was entered in the following step in all analyses. The results first indicated significant sex differences in ado-

lescent academic achievement (13 = . 13, p < .05), sociabilitycompetence (/3 = .18, p < .01), aggression-disruption (I3 = - . 2 7 , p < .001 ), shyness-inhibition (/3 = .24, p < .001 ), and leadership (/3 = .28, p < .001). Girls has significantly higher scores on academic achievement, sociability-competence, shyness-inhibition, and leadership and lower scores on aggressiondisruption. The stability coefficient of academic achievement between Time 1 and Time 2 was .54 (p < .001 ). Stability coefficients of social variables were as follows: sociability-competence (13 = .64, p < .001 ), aggression-disruption (/3 = .64, p < .001 ), shyness-inhibition (/3 = .34, p < .001 ), positive sociometric nominations (/3 = .31, p < .001 ), negative sociometric nominations (/3 = .43, p < .001 ), and leadership (/3 = .36, p < .001). The results indicated that sociability-competence, positive sociometric nominations, and leadership had significant and positive unique contributions to academic achievement after sex and the stability of academic achievement were partialed out. Aggression-disruption had significant and negative unique contributions to academic achievement. Concerning the prediction of social performance, the results indicated that academic achievement significantly and positively contributed to socia-

Table 2 Regression Analysis Predicting Academic Achievement Based on Social Performance

Table 3 Regression Analysis Predicting Social Performance Based on Academic Achievement

Predictors

/3

R2 change

F change

Outcomes

/3

R2 change

F change

Sociability-competence Aggression-disruption Shyness-inhibition Positive sociometric nominations Negative sociometric nominations Leadership

.27 -.16 .07 .11 -.07 .16

.06 .02 .00 .01 .01 .03

23.50*** 9.43** 1.69 4.10" 2.14 10.25"**

Sociability-competence Aggression-disruption Shyness-inhibition Positive sociometric nominations Negative sociometric nominations Leadership

.16 .01 -.01 .14 -.04 .32

.02 .00 .00 .02 .00 .09

9.64"* 0.02 0.80 5.83* 0.66 36.43***

Note. N = 306. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .00l.

Note. N = 306. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT bility-competence, positive sociometric nominations, and leadership after the sex and stability effects of the variables were controlled. The standardized regression coefficients, R 2 changes, and F changes for predictive relations are presented in Tables 2 and 3. Finally, there were nonsignificant interactions between Sex and Time 1 variables in the prediction of Time 2 variables. Discussion In many cultures such as China, children's academic achievement and cognitive competence have received much attention from researchers and the public, whereas their social and emotional functioning has been largely neglected. This may be due, in part, to the belief that, unlike academic and cognitive performance, social functioning may not have significant influences on educational attainment. Although evidence in the Western literature has consistently suggested that academic achievement may be associated with social adjustment (e.g., Coie et al., 1992; Green et al., 1980; Havighurst et al., 1962; Masten et al., 1995), it is yet unclear whether the findings in the West can be generalized to other cultures. The results of the present study indicated that, consistent with the Western literature (e.g., Masten et al., 1995), academic achievement was associated with social functioning and adjustment in Chinese children. It was found that sociability-competence as assessed by peers and teachers was concurrently and positively related to academic achievement and that aggression, disruption, and acting-out were concurrently and negatively related to academic achievement. Furthermore, it was found that social competence, as assessed by peers and teachers, and academic achievement were mutually and positively predictive of each other from Time 1 to Time 2. In contrast, early aggression and acting-out were negatively associated with later academic achievement, and early academic achievement negatively predicted later aggression. The associations between social performance and academic achievement that were found in the present study suggest that, in addition to academic achievement, children's social functioning and adjustment should be an important part in school education. Although the results of correlational analyses indicated that social competence and aggression were related, both concurrently and predictively, to academic achievement, the nature of these relations was found to be different after the stability of the variables was taken into account in regression analyses. Specifically, we found that the mutual contributions of social competence and academic achievement remained significant after the stability was partialed out. Unlike the bidirectional relation between social competence and academic achievement, however, the relation between aggressive-disruptive behavior and achievement was unidirectional. Whereas aggression-disruption significantly predicted academic achievement, academic performance was statistically nonsignificant in predicting aggression after the stability of the latter variable was controlled. Thus, although aggressive and disruptive behavior was likely to hinder academic achievement, which might be mediated by the difficulties in learning processes and negative attitudes toward the school, aggressive behavior might not be affected by academic success or failure.

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The differences between social competence and aggression in their relations with academic achievement seem to be due to the different subjectivity of these social behaviors to external influences. Specifically, socially competent behavior and the acquisition of leadership status may be based mainly on children's knowledge of social norms and interpersonal skills. These skills may be acquired through learning and experience. In contrast, aggression-disruption appears to be a dispositional or "traitlike" variable that may be less subject to external influences, including academic performance (e.g., Dishion, 1990; Masten et al., 1995; Vuchinich, Bank, & Patterson, 1992). Finally, it should be noted that our results concerning the relation between aggressive behavior and academic achievement were consistent with many Western-based findings (e.g., Dishion, 1990; Masten et al., 1995), which may suggest a similar nature of child aggression across cultures. It has been found that shyness and social inhibition are positively evaluated in Chinese children; shy-sensitive children are considered socially mature and competent in China (X. Chen et al., 1992; X. Cben et al., 1995b). Thus, we expected that shyinhibited behavior would be positively associated with academic achievement. Moreover, we hypothesized that shyness-inhibition and academic achievement would be positively predictive of each other. It was found in the present study that, consistent with our hypothesis, shyness-inhibition at Time 1 was significantly and positively correlated with academic achievement at Time 2. Inconsistent with our hypothesis, however, both concurrent correlations and cross-lagged regression effects between shyness-inhibition and academic achievement were nonsignificant. The results indicated that, although shy-inhibited behavior in Chinese children is relevant to social adjustment (X. Chen et al., 1995b), it might not affect, or be affected by, academic achievement. Children's peer acceptance and rejection have been found to be related to academic achievement in Western cultures (e.g., Dishion, 1990; Ollendick et al., 1992; Wentzel & Asher, 1995). Consistent with the Western literature, we found that peer acceptance was positively associated with academic achievement and that rejection was associated with academic difficulties. Furthermore, it was found that the quality of peer relationships, particularly the index of peer acceptance, and academic achievement predicted each other 2 years later, although the predictive relations were weaker after the stability of these variables was controlled. Consistently, the analysis using Coie et al.'s (1982) classification approach revealed that popular children had higher grades than rejected children in Chinese language and mathematics. Moreover, rejected children had the lowest level of academic achievement among the sociometric groups 2 years later. Taken together, these results suggested that peer acceptance might serve as a social resource that facilitates academic achievement. At the same time, academic success or failure in the school might affect whether the child will be liked or disliked by his or her peers. It should be noted that, although rejected children were found to have academic difficulties, neglected children were not different from their popular and average counterparts in academic achievement. This result was consistent with Wentzel and Asher's findings ( 1995 ) and with the argument that sociometrically neglected children may not be "at risk"

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for maladaptive development (Rubin et al., 1993; Rubin, Hymel, LeMare, & Rowden, 1989). It should be noted that the associations obtained between academic achievement and social performance, even after taking into account the stability effects, might be contributed to by other variables that were not included in the study, such as parenting practices and family influences. In other words, academic achievement and social functioning both may be viewed as indexes of a broader construct of socialization. For example, children who are well socialized may perform competently in academic areas and, at the same time, behave appropriately toward others ( e . g , Dishion, i990). The relation between academic achievement and social adjustment should be investigated in a broader context in future research. It should be noted also that the findings concerning the relations between social functioning and academic achievement were based on a sample of preadolescent children. One should be careful in generalizing the results to other age groups. For example, it has been argued that the impact of academic achievement on social acceptance tends to decline with age from childhood to adolescence (e.g., Brown, 1990). Inconsistent with this argument, we found nonsignificant a g e - g r a d e differences in the relations between academic achievement and social adjustment, suggesting that academic performance might be considered equally important in Chinese primary and secondary schools ( Stevenson et al., 1990). Nevertheless, we believe that it remains important to investigate the relations from a developmental perspective. Perhaps, with a wider age range (e.g., including the period of adolescence), developmental differences in the relations between academic achievement and social functioning may emerge. In summary, it was found in the present study that academic achievement predicted children's social competence and peer acceptance. In turn, children's social functioning and adjustment, including social competence, aggression-disruption, leadership, and peer acceptance, uniquely contributed to academic achievement. These results mesh well with the Western literature on the relations between children's social competence and academic achievement (e.g., Wentzel & Asher, 1995). Finally, the interaction between social performance and academic achievement suggests that both the social and the intellectual aspects of children' s performance are important for school education. The social root of academic difficulties, however, deserves attention from professionals, teachers, and parents. On the other hand, prevention and intervention programs that are focused on children's social functioning may help them improve their academic achievement. On the other hand, effective programs for the remediation of socioemotional and relationship problems would do well to include achievement components. References Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. (1981). Behavioural problems and competencies reported by parents of normal and disturbed children aged four through sixteen. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 46 (Serial no. 188). Block, J. H. ( 1971 ). Living through time. Berkeley, CA: Bancroft Books. Brown, B. B. (1990). Peer groups and peer cultures. In S. S. Feldman & G. R. Elliott (Eds.), At the threshold: The developing adolescent (pp. 171 - 196 ). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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