Review Author(s): Roger Rouse Review by: Roger Rouse Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 57-59 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2074867 Accessed: 19-03-2016 09:05 UTC
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58 REVIEWS
complex, multifaceted account that moves
although their limited success was principally
from topical studies of migration, domestic
the result of the constraints imposed by
violence, networks, gossip, and pornography,
constant U.S. pressure and conservative
through dialogically structured biographies,
opposition at home, it also reflected problems
to a trio of more analytical chapters that
in their approach. While challenging the
combine theoretical reflection with a system-
prejudice directed at the Atlantic Coast
atic exploration of Nicaraguan racism and
minorities, they left the broader system of
machismo.
colorism intact, and, while moving against
Theoretically, Lancaster blends praxis-
the gendered dimensions of machismo, they
oriented Marxism with the poststructuralism
failed to devote the same energy to contesting
of Barthes, Foucault, and the early Baudril-
those aspects dealing with sexuality. Perhaps
lard. Starting from the proposition that people
most important, even their concerted attack
produce their lives in a manner that is
on gender inequalities was ultimately too
simultaneously material and symbolic, but
limited.
under conditions that they do not freely
choose, he argues that every socioeconomic
formation combines a series of analytically
distinct, but mutually dependent, "systems of
This last criticism leads Lancaster to a
subtle reading of the Sandinistas' electoral
defeat in 1990. Although he attributes the loss
primarily to U.S. influence, he argues that the
power," that each system shapes social
Sandinistas might still have prevailed if their
relations and material possibilities by impos-
approach to gender issues had been more
ing arbitrary and unequal values on different
sensitive. By failing to address the ways in
qualities or positions, and that, in the case of
which the persistence of machismo obliged
gender, sexuality, and race, this is done
women and children to bear a disproportion-
principally through a productive encoding of
ate share of the country's mounting hardships
bodies and their modes of interaction.
and by running a presidential campaign that
In analyzing the codes that currently
dominate Nicaraguan life, Lancaster stresses
both their cultural specificity and their
continued to rely on the symbolic trappings of
assertive masculinity, they made it easy for
the conservative, Violeta Chamorro, to appro-
historical depth. He argues that the racism
priate popular images linking motherhood to
directed by mestizos at the darker skinned
nurture and domestic peacemaking and, in so
groups on the Atlantic Coast is part of a more
doing, to mobilize the growing frustrations
general "colorism" developed in the early
and resistances provoked by economic crisis
stages of Spanish colonization. Privileging
and a divisive war.
whiteness over blackness in any setting, this
There is much to ponder in this complex
system is used as much among mestizos as in
book, and much to debate. I wonder to what
their dealings with others and serves to mark
extent the sharp edges of Lancaster's Marx-
contextually dependent differences rather than
ism are blunted by his attempt to achieve a
fixed and lasting identities. Similarly, Nicara-
full synthesis with poststructuralism. Exploi-
guan machismo, also forged in the crucible of
tation dissolves into oppression, contradiction
conquest, depends on a broad contrast
is reduced to multiplicity and difference, and
between aggressive action and passivity,
agency passes rapidly from people to power
associates proper masculinity solely with the
and its codes, returning to actors only in the
former, and organizes relations not only
diminished form of resistance. At the same
between men and women but also among
time, I am unsure how to reconcile the
men, privileging the active, penetrating ma-
historical proposition that colorism and ma-
chista in a contextually specific manner over
chismo have remained essentially unchanged
the passive, penetrated cocho'n.
Faced with these deeply entrenched sys-
tems of embodied power, how did the
since the early stages of the Spanish conquest,
the theoretical claim that class relations and
other systems of power are inextricably
Sandinistas fare? As Lancaster indicates, they
linked, and the obvious fact that Nicaragua's
tried hard to improve the situation, particu-
class structure has undergone major transfor-
larly regarding gender and race. Yet the
mations over the last four centuries. Finally, I
evidence he garnered during fieldwork sug-
wonder to what extent broader and more
gests that their efforts had little effect on
complex notions of proper masculinity have
popular attitudes and practices. Moreover,
been reduced-in Lancaster's analysis, in the
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REVIEWS 59
rhetorical dimensions of contemporary strug-
importance of the issue for sociology and to
gle, or in life itself-to the narrow emphasis
put forth a revised definition of the nation.
on aggression suggested by "machismo," a
Schnapper reviews the two opposing concep-
term that has been taken up only recently in
tions which originated in the eighteenth
Nicaraguan discourse.
Yet doubt and disagreement should not
imply dislike. Lancaster's text is impressive
in a multitude of ways. He moves fluidly
between complex theorizing and compelling
century and competed throughout the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries. Germany
witnessed the development of an ethnic
definition of the nation based on belonging to
the people (Volk) and on language, culture,
evocations of people's daily lives. He indi-
and shared origins. The French Revolution
cates his commitments and vulnerabilities and
produced a political definition of the nation as
his role in the dialogical production of
the expression of the common will (see
knowledge without ever falling into reflexive
Jean-Jacques Rousseau). The author shows
self-indulgence. His careful attention to the
how these conceptions, at first articulated by
contingent symbols of campaigning provides
philosophers, were then institutionalized in
a timely challenge to those facile narratives
nationality law. Even today, France and
that stamp popular revolutions with the
Germany are still opposed on this issue. The
inevitability of defeat. And, in probing so
principle of jus sanguinis remains the essen-
thoroughly the multiple inequalities that scar
tial foundation of German nationality law,
the Nicaraguan landscape, he strives not only
which places considerable constraints on
to understand what happened under the
foreigners' access to citizenship. France, on
Sandinistas but also to generate models that
the contrary, privileges jus soli. Of 30,000
might make the next attempt at revolutionary
children born in France of foreign parents,
transformation more effective and more
less than 2,000 will not become French;
lasting. This is partisan scholarship at its best.
whereas in Germany, only 1,000 out of
I recommend it highly.
40,000 children born of Turkish parents
eventually become citizens. The argument is
then extended to several other countries,
particularly Great Britain (which differs from
France and Germany in that citizenship is not
primarily dependent on nationality) and the
United States, with both nations assigning
-El much more importance to ethnicity than is the
case in continental Europe.
The book then turns to the study of the La France de l'integration: Sociologie de la
French nation itself. The main institutions nation en 1990, by Dominique Schnapper.
which contribute to social integration are Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1991. 374 pp. NPL
examined: the welfare state, family, religion. paper. ISBN: 2-07-072174-4.
From this the author concludes that national
L'Europe des immigre's, by Dominique integration has increased at certain levels (by
Schnapper. Paris: Frangois Bourin, 1992. 196 reducing social inequality, attenuating re-
pp. NPL paper. ISBN: 2-87686-117-8. gional differences as well as demographic
variations, between the rich and the poor) but
GERARD NOIRIEL
regressed at others. Increasing unemployment
Ecole Normale Supe'rieure
has caused many to lose their social rights and
marginalized them. Schnapper is absolutely
The subtitle, "sociology of the nation," is a
correct in pointing out that, in France, the
more accurate illustration of the book's
problem of the integration of immigrants is
subject than the title, La France de l'integra-
really a reflection of the problems affecting
tion. The author, director of studies at the
French society in general rather than a
Ecole des Hautes Etudes in Paris, starts with
dilemma facing a specific group. If we take as
the observation that until recently sociologists
an example educational performance and
have paid more attention to groups and to
social mobility, immigrants are just as
social classes than to national questions. The
successful as native French citizens of the
object of the book is to underscore the
same social background. Also, the second
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