[Bourdieu, P. 1992, Les regles de l'art, Editions du Seuil]. ÐÑÑдийо ..... Sik, E. & Wallace, C. 1999, 'The development of open-air markets in East-Central Europe',.
University of Sofia “St. Kliment Ohridski” Philosophy Faculty Department of Sociology
Nikola Atanasov Venkov
Gentrification of the Women’s Market: the construction of urban policies and transformation of local relations
Dissertation Synopsis Of a dissertation submitted for the defence of a Doctor of Philosophy degree in Sociology (Urban Studies)
Supervisor: Milena Yakimova, Dr Sci Soc
Sofia, 2017
Dissertation table of contents:
Глава 1. Introduction_______________________________________________________ 3 § 1.1. Gentrification in brief ________________________________________________________ 5 § 1.2. Urban politics and political manifold ___________________________________________ 11 § 1.3. Some parameters of the study_________________________________________________ 14 i. Urban development – restricting the research object ______________________________ 14 ii. Structure of the dissertation ________________________________________________ 16 iii. Fieldwork methods and sources_____________________________________________ 18 iv. The sociologist’s position _________________________________________________ 22
Глава 2. Transitions and redevelopments of the Women’s Market ________________ 23 § 2.1. A note on historicity ________________________________________________________ 26 § 2.2. Theoretical detour: a distinction between social construction and social production_______ 40 i. The discussion in human geography and urban studies ____________________________ 41 ii. Phenomenological picture of the distinction____________________________________ 45 iii. Studying instances. Interaction between productions and constructions ______________ 48 iv. Specifying through the paradigm of discourse theory ____________________________ 52 § 2.3. Transitions before The Transition _____________________________________________ 57 i. The bustle of the Women’s Market and the socialist authorities _____________________ 60 ii. Socialist and private ______________________________________________________ 69 iii. A story by Lyuba Boyanina ________________________________________________ 80 § 2.4. The frenzy of the ‘90s_______________________________________________________ 90 i. Reordering of the topography of trade _________________________________________ 91 ii. The Women’s Market: a centre of the postsocialist city___________________________ 95 iii. A jumbling of people and social trajectories __________________________________ 103 § 2.5. The narrowing of trade practice ______________________________________________ 112 i. The municipal policy toward open-air marketplaces _____________________________ 115 ii. Consequences for the market’s evolution _____________________________________ 119 iii. Redevelopments in the ‘80s and the ‘90s ____________________________________ 122 § 2.6. Transitions in the 21st century________________________________________________ 124 i. Shifts in the perceptions of the market________________________________________ 126 ii. Shifts in the structures embedding the Women’s Market _________________________ 128 § 2.7. Conclusions on redevelopments ______________________________________________ 136
Глава 3. Theoretical proposal: Political manifold over urban coexistence__________ 137 § 3.1. Urban politics ____________________________________________________________ 139 i. Social practices and political practices _______________________________________ 142 ii. The impetus behind the terminological reconstruction ___________________________ 144
§ 3.2. Politics of urban coexistence ________________________________________________ 148 i. Definition of coexistence __________________________________________________ 149 ii. Reduction of the political to the social _______________________________________ 150 iii. A scale for the notion of urban politics ______________________________________ 154 iv. Geography of coexistence ________________________________________________ 157 § 3.3. Discourse-theoretical construction of the political manifold ________________________ 158 i. Discourse theory apparatus ________________________________________________ 158 ii. Once again on the political ________________________________________________ 163 iii. Political manifold ______________________________________________________ 167 iv. Discourse-social fields ___________________________________________________ 172 § 3.4. Field mechanics of the political manifold_______________________________________ 177 i. Discourse Theory and Bourdieu’s theory _____________________________________ 177 ii. A field or not?__________________________________________________________ 189 iii. Synthesis of field and discourse mechanics___________________________________ 192 § 3.5. Summary________________________________________________________________ 196
Глава 4. Conspiracies at the Women’s Market________________________________ 199 § 4.1. Conspiracy narrative vs. conspiracy theory _____________________________________ 203 i. Short forms of conspiracy _________________________________________________ 205 ii. Webs of conspiracy narratives _____________________________________________ 207 § 4.2. An ethnography of conspiracy narratives at the Women’s Market____________________ 208 § 4.3. Properties of conspiracy narratives in postsocialism and more generally ______________ 216 i. The postsocialist discourses of interès and bezhabèrie ___________________________ 216 ii. Conspiracy theories as everyday tools _______________________________________ 219 iii. Measuring the punch of conspiracy narratives ________________________________ 225 § 4.4. Boundaries in public space __________________________________________________ 230 § 4.5. Working towards democratisation of the city? ___________________________________ 236
Глава 5. Political interventions and the manifold as a multitude of fields __________ 245 § 5.1. A brief theory of power ____________________________________________________ 247 § 5.2. Intervention in urban coexistence through a cultural initiative_______________________ 255 i. Beginnings of the Unseen Women’s Market ___________________________________ 257 ii. An ethnography of the contact between fields _________________________________ 274 iii. New (micro)sites for the political manifold___________________________________ 293
Глава 6. Conclusion and discussion _________________________________________ 299 § 6.1. Principle contributions _____________________________________________________ 302 § 6.2. Potential for further work ___________________________________________________ 306
Глава 7. Appendix: Artistic initiative “The Unseen Women’s Market” ___________ 311 § 7.1. The author’s artistic concepts ________________________________________________ 311 § 7.2. The projects _____________________________________________________________ 316 i. Писма | Letters _________________________________________________________ 317
ii. Мечти | Dreams ________________________________________________________ 320 iii. Следи | Traces _________________________________________________________ 321 iv. Картография | Mapping _________________________________________________ 323 v. Звук | Sound ___________________________________________________________ 327 vi. На парче | Apiece ______________________________________________________ 328 vii. Сбогом | Farewell______________________________________________________ 332 viii. Деца | Kids __________________________________________________________ 333
Глава 8. Appendix: A utopian proposal for new policies ________________________ 334 § 8.1. Grounds for the necessity of a new policy towards municipal marketplaces ____________ 335 § 8.2. Potential solutions: local scale management, community building ___________________ 340 i. A marketplace manager ___________________________________________________ 340 ii. Microcommunity _______________________________________________________ 344 § 8.3. On accessibility of prices ___________________________________________________ 346 i. An upwards economic spiral? ______________________________________________ 347 ii. Switching the economic dynamics __________________________________________ 350 § 8.4. Recommendations for a new policy: a system of proposals _________________________ 354
Bibliography ____________________________________________________________ 359
Introduction In this dissertation I reconstruct a narrative, or rather, narratives about the transformation of local relations among stakeholders around Sofia’s central marketplace, the Women’s Market, from the middle of the 20th century until today. I analyse how the transformations affect, and are affected by, the construction of official policies towards the market. The process of gentrification referred to in the dissertation title, points to the last phase of transformation, which is most central to my research: a municipal project for redevelopment that was envisioned as a trigger for gentrifying the area. During my fieldwork my interest in the notion of gentrification waned, however, as what I observed in the field was much more complex than the theoretical scheme it offered. What it leaves out is the richness and contradictory nature of the negotiation between the multiple actors drawn into the otherwise clear scheme of a gentrification process. I would like to look beyond the façade of rational planning and purposefulness of a project for urban development, beyond the illusion of discursive unity and homogeneity of motives that bring on policy production. My curiosity is towards the micro-mechanics of the processes of production and construction of urban projects. Such an approach would uncover an action’s inner struggles and discrepancies, would see on an equal footing all scales at which resistance or power is imposed, would foreground the contingency of the social in general, and of power in particular. Such perspective pushes me to depart from the framework of social construction of policies towards one about the participation of all actors, discourses, social contexts in a single arena of ‘urban politics’. Urban politics is defined generally as the process and the arena, in which various participants of life in the city reach a common understanding for, or realise the conflicts about, the conditions of living together. It is not only about competition
for the limited resources in the city (physical space, place in the urban economy, etc.) but also about laying claims on the norms, aesthetics and terms of living. It emphasises the inherent complexity, difficulty and conflict in negotiating an acceptable set of practices and positionings between the multitude of communities forced together by the compact physical (and social / economic / etc) space of the city. This definition embraces not only the rationalised and publicly-orientated acts that are ordinarily seen as politics, but can include also activities of everyday life. On the theoreticopolitical level its aim is to expand the realm of making politics, to include on one side, even the least articulate inhabitant of the city and on the other side, the fields that powerfully remake urban life while presenting themselves as purely technical or technocratic. In this way, those who are most often the objects of urban policy are empowered as political subjects. They too struggle for a better future. And also those who routinely produce policies for a better future are made aware of the ethical and political responsibility their work carries. The proposed redefinition of the theoretical language challenges the native perspective of the professionals engaged with planning or implementation of projects for urban development. In this dissertation my aim is to develop an analytical tool that could organise the above research tasks. To that end I construct the theoretical object ‘political manifold’. It is applicable to a class of political conflicts that arise around a common (but not shared) problem. The problem is what pulls the participants into interaction and competition, often despite their own will. In the case of urban politics this problem is the shared urban coexistence which one cannot opt out of. My goals in the dissertation are restricted to constructing the analytical object of the political manifold; establishing some of its properties; and testing it in action over parts of the conflict around the Women’s Market. Methodologically, I draw on two theoretical traditions that are usually seen as opposed: the field analysis of Pierre Bourdieu (1984 [1979]; 1991; 1997 [1994]; 2005 [2000]) and the discourse theory developed by the Essex school (Laclau and Mouffe 2001 [1985]; Howarth and Stavrakakis 2000; Torfing 2005; Glynos and Howarth 2007). From discourse theory my approach takes the perspective of social reality as constructed by systems of meaning that are historical, malleable and imbued with power. Identities of objects and actors alike are ascribed by antagonistic political projects, and every political struggle takes the form of a project to establish hegemony of some system of meaning. Conflicts in the field of urban politics will be resolved (always temporarily) by imposing a hegemonic view about the hierarchical configuration of the urban politics itself. However, until that happens every actor might have a different “subjective” understanding of what that configuration is. Yet, in the manifold I try to shift focus from discourse as the carrying agent to the subjects that incorporate it, as beings with their own history and embeddedness in structured relations. The urban co-inhabitants are placed in a structured but dynamic hierarchy of power which is suitable for modelling through Bourdieu’s field approach. Fields recognise that there are already established social structures, relations of power, ways to engage with peers, and systems of values. Different positions in the structure possess durable socially (=discursively) inscribed properties, while agents might strive to construct different position-takings, as well as to achieve erosion or affirmation with time of those durable properties. The political manifold is a theoretical apparatus made to tackle the situation of heteronomity, which remains somewhat abstractly treated in Bourdieu’s work. Integrating field mechanics with discourse theory gives me a tool to approach problems such as: how do the logics of separate fields existing in the city – the field of urban expertise, the field of civil society, the field of administration and municipal politics, the field of cultural production, the journalistic field, the field of street culture in the market – clash and vie for dominance?
Structure of the dissertation In Chapter 2, I present a series of historical-ethnographical narratives on the Women’s Market from the socialist period until today. They introduce the reader to the dynamics of the research site and also to the breadth of what urban politics might mean. The narratives also begin developing the type of sociological sensitivity which will later be theorised in the object of the political manifold. In particular I discuss a perspective that only partly gives in to the all-too-natural urge to attribute identities to complex social facts, thinking of them as whole entities. We need such whole entities – ‘the Women’s Market’, ‘the socialist regime’, ‘the Transition’, or ‘postsocialism’ – in order to be able to say things about the world. Yet we should be constantly aware of their polymorphous nature and the evanescence of their seemingly essential attributes. Further in the chapter, I explore the diversity of tactics used from positions of power to constitute wholes, which fix the fluid social world of the market and attempt to make it governable. In Chapter 3 of the dissertation, I start off by looking for a working notion of the political, which is useful for the aim I pursue, to empower new groups with the right to be political subjects. I construct a number of terms, which could define ‘the political’ in the context of the city: urban politics, politics of urban coexistence, political manifold over urban coexistence. These terms are intended as epistemological tools and they supersede one another through a deepening theorisation. The final one, the political manifold, is based on the Essex School’s discourse theory and Bourdieu’s theory of fields. In this chapter I present both as theories for the social and discuss the shortcomings of each from the point of view of the other. I then explore their compatibility, and the benefits arising from their integration in one mechanism, the political manifold. In Chapter 4, I develop a theory for the production of conspiracy narratives. What might look as a diversion from the main topic, is in fact a creative approach to construct a testing ground on which to apply the ideas of the political manifold. In the field I was bombarded from all sides with conspiracy theories about the impending (or not) closure of the Women’s Market. The ethnographic collection of conspiratorial narratives allows me to explore the structure of local urban coexistence without entering the usual trap of first imposing a researcher’s systematisation on it. In a sense, I choose to follow “the sense of conspiracy” in order to lead me to unexpected places. I find that in using the collection of narratives one can detect communicative distances between groups of participants in the urban coexistence. They mark the boundaries of zones of shared communication in the manifold (which in the previous chapter I define more precisely as ‘discourse-social fields’). The chapter concludes with a description of an activist attempt to demolish the boundaries of communication and thus to democratise the city. In Chapter 5 I continue with another attempt for direct intervention in the manifold, through the setting up of a public cultural event. It was intended to act as an intermediary for the voice of the sociologist, and I hope, at least partially for the voice of the market users and vendors. I discuss the ethical issues and the practical difficulties with the undertaking of such an action. The main theoretical focus is to look at the issues arising from the action’s heteronomic nature. I show how the situation of heteronomity tends to constantly displace the action’s content and aims. I analyse the situation of contact between fields, and look at the characteristics of an action crossing from one field into another. Finally, in an Appendix, I present the finalised artistic concepts for the content of the cultural event discussed in Chapter 5. It was planned as an exhibition of a series of audiovisual and interactive installations that document the market before its last redevelopment. In the second Appendix I present a vision for the management of open-air markets that was
produced for the municipal administration of Sofia. There I tried to take into account and look for solutions to the issues, which I’ve identified during my 5 years of anthropological research at Sofia’s markets.
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