Understanding Daily Life of Older People in a Residential Complex ...

Housing Studies, 20\3

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H Routledge

Vol. 28, No. 6, 822-844, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2013.768333

Understanding Daily Life of Older People in a Residential Complex: The Contribution of Lefebvre's Social Space MAREE PETERSEN* & JOHN MINNERY** •Institute for Social Science Research, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Australia, **School of Geography Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Australia

(Received August 2011; revised December 2012) ABSTRACT This article contributes to the theoretical and applied understanding of daily life and the meaning of home for older people living in purpose-built, age-segregated complexes. Whilst gerontology has embraced spatial perspectives, it often fails to capture their diverse and changing nature. This article considersfindingsfrom a larger qualitative study that explored the geography of residential complexes in Brisbane, Australia, through the lens of Henri Lefebvre's theory of social space. Data relating to Lefebvre's concepts of spatial practice and spaces of representation clearly capture the routines, activities, attachments and imaginations that help or hinder older people connecting to their living environment. Talking with older people gave a rich account of how they use, think about and produce space and highlighted the tensions in providing this form of specialised housing. As well as providing theoretical insights, a nuanced understanding of social space informs policy and public discussion of older people's living environments. KEY WORDS: Older people, residential complexes, housing policy, space, place, Lefebvre

Introduction There is a clear connection between where older people live and their well-being. A large body of literature has considered community and residential care locations, producing influential material that contributes to policy priorities such as ageing in place and universal design, as well as care practices. Geography and housing scholars in particular have contributed to issues of identity and belonging in the context of where older people live through emphasis on place and space (Andrews & Phillips, 2005a; Peace et ai, 2006). However, a relatively new form of accommodation for older people is becoming commonplace in the developed world. As a response to demographic changes, increasing numbers of older people are living in large separate forms of purpose-built accommodation, termed residential complexes in this article, which commonly comprise Correspondence Address: Maree Petersen, Institute for Social Science Research, University of Queensland, St Lucia 4072, Australia. Email: [email protected] © 2013 Taylor & Francis

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retirement villages, care facilities and serviced apartments on the one site. They are hybrid spaces typically covering hectares of land and usually segregated by high fences and security systems. Residential complexes are increasingly commonplace in Australia, the USA (Rosenberg & Everitt, 2001) and more recently in the UK (Evans, 2009; Hanson, 2001; Phillips et al, 2001)..It was estimated that there were 500 new villages under development as recently as 2009 (Blundell, 2009) by both the charitable and business sectors in Australia. This form of development requires critical attention because of the way the everyday lives of older people within these specialised sites are shaped by their living space and how in tum this is situated in structural and cultural contexts. Whilst there are independent qualitative studies that seek to understand residents' viewpoints, in particular rich data from the UK on people living in retirement communities (Evans, 2009; Phillips etal, 2001), community living and sheltered forms of housing (Peace etal, 2006) and care facilities (Peace et al, 1997), these do not match Australia's residential complexes in their size, location and composition. Importantly, within both Australian and intemational research, residential complexes are not considered as one entity. Care facilities and retirement villages are seen as different and consequently researched as separate places even when within the same complex. This article outlines research that systemically explored residential complexes as single-tailored living environments for older people. In the next section, we explore the geographies of older people's daily living environments. We then extend these by presenting the holistic spatial perspective of Henri Lefebvre as a conceptual framework. After outlining the methodology, the substantive part of this article is an exploration of how older people use and think about the space of residential complexes gained from unstructured interviews with resident older people. It concludes by advocating a conceptual framework that is at once spatial, humanist and critical, Lefebvre's thesis of social space, to provide a nuanced and rich understanding of older people's living environments. The understanding that space is socially produced or constructed is a foundation of geography (Unwin, 2005) and is increasingly influential in housing studies (Easthope, 2004; Reinders & Van Der Land, 2008). This article adds to this knowledge base by focusing on older people's production of space within a separate and specially constructed environment, where their physical and social space is constricted, but they can apply a long life of experiences. This creates a unique situation to bring to the application and interpretation of social space. Two dimensions of social space directly inform the research questions driving this article, 'what is the contribution of separate spaces of ageing to the everyday life of older people?' and 'what do the images and symbols used by older people living in residential complexes tell us about their living environment?' Theorising Living Environments for Older People The study of the home dwelling and residential care settings is central to the interdisciplinary body of gerontological work on space and place, alongside attention in recent years to landscape and the body (Keams & Andrews, 2004). Whilst the study of space, place and ageing continues to provide rich and substantive understandings of the living environments of older people, there is still much to do in unpacking the complexity and nuances of the relationship to place and the social dynamics in settings that combine housing and care (Andrews et al, IQQl, p. 161). The geographical notion of place is

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pivotai to understanding older people's relationship to where they live. Humanist thinking about place in geography is influenced by the two key writers, Tuan (1974, 1977, 1979) and Relph (1976), whose work in turn is underpinned by the philosophies of existentialism and phenomenology. According to Tuan, place is central to people creating meaning in order to feel at home. Relph too links place to authenticity and notes the placelessness of many contemporary landscapes (Cresswell, 2004). Relph sees home as the 'profound centre of human existence' (Relph, 1976, p. 39). Scholarship on place underpins a considerable amount of work on older people's living environments by consistently finding meaning, identity and sense of control to be central characteristics of sense of place (Cresswell, 2004). The work of social geographer Rowles continues to guide examinations of older people's experience of place and space by housing researchers (Peace et al, 2006). In his research project Prisoners of Space? (1978), Rowles challenged the basis of disengagement theory prominent at the time, as well as recognising the emotional attachment of older people to place, including the place of imagination and recollection (Andrews & Phillips, 2005b). His study is noteworthy for the landmark attention it gave to the complexity and spatiality of older people's lives. Rowles argued in this and the subsequent studies that older people continued to transform spaces into places, that is, they constructed a sense of 'being in place' (Rowles, 1987; Rowles & Chaudhury, 2005; Rowles & Watkins, 2003). The role and significance of objects such as photographs and personal items for people's sense of self is also prominent in research (Hoskins, 1998; Percival, 2002; Rowles & Watkins, 2003) and complements Rowles' linkage between identity and how people shape their place. The significance of place attachment, a pivotal point of Rowles, has been reinforced by many other studies. Like Rowles, Rubinstein's ethnography was carried out in older people's homes (Rubinstein, 1989, 1990), detailing how people in later life attribute meaning to the home environment and the development of attachment to place (Peace et al, 2006, p. 16). Kontos (1998) asserts that home space and control are necessary for older people to maintain independence and meaning as well as to sustain their personal identity in supportive housing. Collective decision-making by residents in relation to the design of a care facility enhanced citizenship and well-being (Knight et al, 2010). In addition to identifying space and place as themes, Rowles, Rubinstein and Kontos also highlighted the interconnection of identity with place. Willcocks et al's (1987) research and their follow-up study (Peace et al, 1997) of British nursing homes argue that residential settings represent a threat to individuality and sense of self. Residential facilities have been the focus of considerable research, mainly on the experiences of residents, meanings associated with place and well-being (Peace et al, 1997; Townsend, 1962; Willcocks et al, 1987). The range of findings, and indeed debate from this research, makes a conclusion difficult to reach. At the risk of simplification, two themes emerge: on the one hand the difficulty that facilities face in providing independence and choice for residents whilst still maintaining care standards alongside, and on the other hand, alternative findings that some residents enjoy the lifestyle and independence they offer from family. A research focus on place notably asks the question, 'does where you are affect who you are?' (Peace et al, 2006, p. 1). Strong attachment to place by older people to their homes and neighbourhoods found by Wiles et al (2009) substantiates that there are profoundly meaningful constructs of place and space. Research on retirement villages has consistent positive findings with links between identity and well-being (Bernard et al.


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2004; Phillips et al, 2001), social engagement (Croucher, 2006) and friendships (Buys, 2001). However, criticisms remain.that retirernent villages are only for wealthier older people (Evans, 2009) and they are responsible for separating older people from the rest of the community (Rosenberg & Everitt, 2001). Some housing researchers, including Oldman & Quilgars (1999), criticise the tendency to romanticise about home and what it means. They argue a humanist perspective which also recognises that diversity and agency would permit the identification of older people who value collective living arrangements. However, popular understanding that home is the appropriate place for older people remains with an expectation that we will spend more time there as we age, being reflected in this literature (Laws, 1994; Rowles & Watkins, 2003). Home can also be seen as a place of resistance to ageing, a place where independence can be maintained despite disability or ill health. Community care programmes support this. However, scholars have also noted the politicised site of home for older people. This is clearly evident in how the receipt of care and its requirement for structured visit times changes people's experience of home (Angus et al, 2005; Dyck et al, 2005; Wiles, 2005), as well as home sometimes being the site of elder abuse (Ozanne et al, 2009) and social isolation (Abbott & Sapsford, 2005). Milligan (2001) and Oldman & Quilgars (1999) note that with the increasing care services within home spaces, the difference between residential care institutions and home is becoming blurred. Clearly, age identities of spaces and their implications are never static (Pain et al, 2001). Critical questions that lie behind the research discussed above include 'why are there separate living spaces for older people' and 'how does specialised accommodation link to the social construction of old age (Hugman, 1999; Laws, 1993,1994). Employing a critical perspective. Laws outlines how space and place are age graded. She argues that 'specialised' accommodation for older people is inherently ageist and spatiality affects the identity formation of older people. These two themes, the spatiality of age relations and the utilisation of social theory on identity, are, she asserts, reflected both materially and discursively in the built environment (Laws, 1997, p. 91). Laws suggests that domestic separation manifest in the built environment reflects the economic and social marginalisation of older people. The elucidation of a spatial perspective and ageism also features in scholarship on retirement communities, which comments on built environments for 'third agers' and the idealist imagery and consumer culture that is used to market it (Blaikie, 1999; Katz, 2005; McHugh, 2003). Gerontology has been criticised for overlooking the relevance of theoretical perspectives drawn from urban studies, particularly in regard to the risks associated with urban change (Scharfei al, 2007). Whilst there is an increasing attention to the needs of older people in urban design, evident in international attention to age friendly cities (World Health Organisation, 2007), there remains a need for the integration of theoretical perspectives from gerontology and urban studies. The questions of critical urban planners, 'who is planning, for whom, and who benefits?' (Short, 2006, p. 168), are important to gerontology. However, some urban writers overlook the construct of age, asking 'how are identities of gender, ethnicity, sexuality and class formed socially and spatially in urban contexts?' (Gunn & Morris, 2001, p. x). Clearly, both disciplines have room for closer collaboration. The theory of social space (Lefebvre, 1991) potentially provides such a connection through a framework that integrates everyday urban experiences of users in the context of capitalist space to explore the complexity of built form, power and the everyday lives of

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people. Social space provides a conceptual framework through which the spatial practices of everyday life of older people can be understood in the context of the social production of spaces that are residential complexes.

Lefebvre's Framework of Social Space Whilst spatial perspectives have been utilised with great effect in understanding living environments of older people (see Andrews & Phillips, 2005a), the spatial framework of social space (Lefebvre, 1991) that is at once humanistic and critical has not yet been employed to explore this physical and affective space. Lefebvre recognises space as a location as well as a metaphorical and social phenomenon. According to Lefebvre, social space is a social product (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 27). In order to understand this fundamental thesis, it is necessary to move from the widespread understanding of space imagined as an independent material reality existing 'in itself. Lefebvre argues that space does not exist in itself, it is produced (Schmid, 2008). To capture the production of space, Lefebvre constructs a spatial triad, an epistemology to understand this production and its outcomes. Striving for a unitary theory of produced space, he connects physical space, mental space and social space whilst at the same time implicating the importance of everyday life, of alienation and of humanist Marxism. He proposes that this could be achieved by conceptualising the dialectic character of their interaction, thinking of how they come together as a conflictual creation, as a process of producing (Merrifield, 1993). The interaction or process required to conceptualise space and knowledge together is assisted, according to Lefebvre, by understanding them as three dimensions: spatial practice, representations of space and spaces of representation. These three dimensions are considered distinctive arrangements and represent not only the physical and mental but also social spaces. The conceptual triad known as social space unites these three spatial dimensions. Lefebvre asserts that it is the interplay of the three dimensions that makes up social space and insists they are not separate spaces (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 40-43); they are parts of a unity. The focus of this article is on older people's experiences; thus the triad is artificially separated by presenting findings relating to spatial practice and spaces of representation. The third dimension, representations of space, which considers the working knowledge of policy-makers, architects, planners and developers in relation to the everyday reality of older people's lives is explored in a separate article (Petersen & Warburton, 2012). Spatial practice relates to the physical practices, the everyday routines and networks and the way social life is organised (Yacobi, 2004). These practices and routines that constitute everyday life facilitate communication and social exchange (Hubbard & Sanders, 2003). Spaces of representation embody the images, symbols and associative ideas of the 'users' that give meaning to space (Yacobi, 2004), space as it might be, the space that the inhabitant seeks to change and appropriate (Yakhlef, 2004). It is directly lived space, felt rather than thought about (Merrifield, 2006).

The Study: Methods and Analysis This article is based on the data collected for a larger study that explored the geography of residential complexes in South-East Queensland, Australia. In order to explore how older people experience daily life in a residential complex, interviews and photography of their


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living spaces (both internal and extemal) were undertaken. Unstructured interviews in effect facilitated the operationalisation of spatial practice and spaces of representation. As noted previously, residential cbrnplexes comprise care facilities and villas. Care facilities, commonly termed low or high care, tailor care to meet resident's needs and may include personal care, meals and supervision of medication within large shared accommodation. People living in villas are largely independent, although residents commonly access community-based care for personal and domestic assistance (which equates to low care). Table 1 sets out profiles of the participants. Of the 22 participants, 6 lived in a high care wing, 6 lived in a low care wing and 10 lived in villas, all within 11 residential complexes. Three participants living in the villas accessed community care for housekeeping, meals and personal care whilst two others purchased meals on site. The 16 women and 6 men ranged in age from 70 to 100 and had lived in the complex for a period ranging from 1 to over 14 years. Thus, participants living within the residential complexes were recruited through three means: purposively selected by a gatekeeper, a gatekeeper facilitating older people to selfselect and self-selecting with the provider having no knowledge. The means of recruitment were linked to the operational nature and responsibilities that providers of residential complexes hold. The criteria for selection of older people were residing in a residential complex, independent, not having relocated in the last 6 months and no significant communication disability. They were a heterogeneous group, and interviewing required approaches that were commensurate with the range of physical and mental energies of the

Table 1. Participant's details. Participant's name (pseudonym) Alan Bea Hannah Heather Henry Jo Maeve Mel Ruth Ursula Anne Connie Drover Lily Reg Vera Chanel Iris Larry Mary Meg Ray

Age (in years) 73 81 73 94 80 70 83 75 72 71 89 85 96 83 84 81 83 100 69 75 82 80

Type of residence Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Low care Low care Low care Low care Low care Low care High care High care High care High care High care High care

Time lived there (in years) 5 4.5 8.5 14.5 10.5 3.5 4 2 5 5 2 0.75 (in villa 10 years at same complex) 3.5 3 3 10 7 10 3 7 1 3

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respondents. Interviews were conducted with the use of an interview guide. The interviews were structured to the degree that the same topics formed a base for each interview. The order and wording of interviews with participants varied as some participants talked at length, illustrating their experiences and opinions with anecdotes. Whilst some topics on the guide were concemed with what was meaningful for them about their place, and subsequently photographed, unstructured interviewing was found to be the most appropriate way to gain an understanding of older people's spaces of representation. This naturalistic emphasis permitted the participants to integrate material and elaborate on issues, with little redirection from the researcher. This form of interviewing also respects Lefebvre's assertion that 'only non-directive interviewing can give a proper account of habitation. The people must be allowed to speak' (Lefebvre, 2003, p. 127). Data Analysis All transcripts of interviews with participants were analysed using discourse analysis. This respected the methodological pointers outlined by Lefebvre and was tailored to fit the project's aims (Jaworski & Coupland, 2006; Van Dijk, 1997; Wood & Kroger, 2000). This tailored discourse analysis utilised tools from conversation analysis and pragmatics to explore both spatial practice and spaces of representation. Details on the discourse tools utilised for each spatial dimension are integrated in the findings below. The strategy for interpreting the data closely followed the recommendations of Wood & Kroger (2000). A number of templates were developed, which incorporated the varieties of discourse analysis tools and prompts appropriate for that specific task. Analysis was approached in a cyclical manner by the first author with the overall goal of explaining the structure and organisation of the discourse and how it could assist with understanding particular functions, effects or consequences. This was guided by the research questions and by referring to the particular theoretical dimension iteratively throughout the data analysis. From this detailed work, interpretations could be determined; these sections of transcriptions were then copied to the determined part of the template, such as membership category or lexical choice, with analysis notes added beside it. This provided a traceable path for the analysis. The second stage of the analysis required identifying pattems both within a text and across different texts. The claims, such as membership category, were checked and refined within the singular excerpt before all claims were checked and refined across multiple transcripts. All the segments relevant to a particular finding were then pulled together as the starting point for presentation of evidence in the discourse. A critical part of this process was searching for exceptions or counter-arguments to the claim. At this stage, context was also an important consideration and included the elements that may have had a bearing on the interview such as the setting and time of day. Overall, the systematic and cyclical nature of this process assisted with improving the trustworthiness of the findings. All sections were revised after other sections have been analysed. Analysis was continued until it was felt that the research questions had been addressed and that a reasonable reading of the discourse could be offered. This process is in line with the recommendations of Hutchby & Wooffitt (1998) and Pomerantz & Fehr (1997) with conversation analysis. Furthermore, for ease of reading, quoted data are presented in a standard manner in this article, not according to linguistic guidelines.


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Analysis and Spatial Practice Spatial practice is considered to be perceived by Lefebvre; people's perceptions condition their daily reality with respect to the use of space, their routes, networks and patterns of interaction that link places set aside for work, play and leisure (Merrifield, 1993). We use it to gain an understanding from older people living in residential complexes of how they construct everyday life. The discourse analytic approach involved examining talk as social action. Participants as they talked about their life in the residential complex engaged in social acts such as making assertions, criticisms, advocating or being polite. As they talked of X they also did y (Van Dijk, 1997, p. 5). In the interviews older people engaged in categorisation. Increasingly being used by researchers interested in discourse and older people (Bytheway, 2005; Nikander, 2002; Williams & Ylanne-McEwen, 2000; Wood & Kroger, 1995), categorisation is something we do in talk in order to accomplish social actions (Edwards, 1991). The task of analysis is not so much to categorise participant's talk as it is to identify the ways in which participants actively construct and employ categories in their talk (Wood & Kroger, 1995, p. 86). The categories utilised by participants form the framework of spatial practice data (Coupland, 2000; Jones, 2006; Nikander, 2002) outlined below. Participants communicated within their talk four categories of spatial practice; they held views that the residential complex enabled, challenged, compromised and hindered spatial practice. Participants do not position themselves within one category; their social acts moved across categories. A participant's discourse may show that residential complexes add to their spatial practice, but other discourse from the same participant may show criticism of how complexes are administered. In addition, social acts within categories revealed ambiguity. Residential complexes may have been chosen for support and care, yet the space in which a participant lives does not facilitate this. These two features, participants moving across categories as well as the presence of ambiguities, are central in the following discussion and analysis.

How the Residential Complex Enabled Spatial Practice The first set of practices was overwhelmingly positive about life in the residential complex as well as of the relationships, interactions and activities within it. This appeared to be linked to respondent's views of their life and environment as an older person, namely that community life is not conducive to ageing, that support is needed, that the costs of ageing can be considerable and that the complex facilitated occupation. The people who had this positive view of life in the complex also identified it as home. A dichotomy was evident in the views of the participants, for life in the community outside the residential complex was associated with isolation whereas life within was associated with the company of good and interesting people. Residential complexes were seen to provide characteristics of inclusion not found in community life. I guess because I am on my own here, I have a son and a daughter in Melbourne and a daughter in Cairns, and I thought, well, I like people. I don't really want to buy a unit or something, you know, that, where I am a little bit isolated and everybody goes to work and you just don't see anybody from one week to the next. And um, I thought if I go into a retirement village at least I could make friends. (Jo, V)

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The absence of a sense of community in suburbia was a common view amongst those interviewed. Relationships with staff and other residents are presented as overwhelmingly positive. Inclusive categories of 'everyone' and 'they' are used by a number of participants and attached a universality of positiveness to everyone. This universality was evident in regard to staff; 'everyone, the staff are lovely, management and staff are lovely' (Ursula, V) and the complex generally 'oh, it is so friendly, very friendly and there is so much happening ... ' (Ursula). To support the inclusive category, people who did not fit the category 'they' are framed as exceptions, 'I haven't met anybody here who was as bad as Gladys [who had been very critical of Bea's bridge playing]. You know, they are all lovely here. A very happy little village' (Bea, V). These views were closely linked to the participants' perception that as an older person they will require care and support in the future and this in tum will be provided by living in a complex. For some, the membership category of independent older person was integral to their decision to move to enable the receipt of care and support: I said to my son, well, I can't live alone. I am independent type, always was, and I said, I am not going to depend on you. Let's look for a nursing home. My decision. I decided a nursing home was it. This place individually appealed to me. Independently minded and that is the way I live. (Drover, low care [LC]) This categorisation of independence linked to ccire is of interest, one that would be interpreted by some as dependence. The social act of expressing independence in Drover's case is tied to his belief of not relying on family and thereby making the decision to live in a care facility. Participants were aware of the considerable costs associated with leasing or owning a villa within a complex. Justification of the costs and financial arrangements was similar to the lexical choice of 'lifestyle' used in the marketing material for these privately operated complexes, 'that is something you have to accept, you either accept it or you don't, you are buying a lifestyle' (Alan, V). These statements show a presupposition, a knowledge that the fees are subject to criticism. A number of participants related that they had discussed the fee structure with their children as well as the consequent effects on their estate; this implies that the participants consider it is their children's estate rather than their own finances that will be affected. The fees are payable on leaving the villas (often called exit fees). Central to the spatial practice of these participants was the strength of engagement with people and activities within the complex and in the outside community. Participants evoked membership categories such as gardener or manager that were in themselves a continuation of occupations that had been important to them for some time. For some, occupation was tied to the complex; the categories were centred on embracing the activity structure within the complex. The categorisation by Drover at age of 96 as a gardener is clearly seen to be evoking his and his family's history and the place of gardening in his life now: ... because all my life I loved gardening... brought about from 6, 7, 8 years and my grandfather. He was a real gardener and he taught me all the things of gardening - how to garden, how to look after things and that has grown with me.


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Mary (high care [HC]) suggested that she continued her categorisation as a manager whilst talking of her room: Everything has a place and I'm very particular. But I've always been like that. When I was working, ah, I was case, in charge of fifteen girls and I had to organise things. So been an organiser ever since. So, I am, I know where everything is and that is that. It has to be like that and I know what I want. Both Mary and Drover with their respective membership categories were able to continue occupations that were part of their identity, a continuation within the complex of a previous spatial practice.

How the Residential Complex Challenged Spatial Practice Some participants featured a positive regard for life within the complex but utilised agency to challenge its administration and operation. The expression of agency was strongly linked to the categories of occupation. These challenges to residential complexes include considerations such as administration of fees, management of resident's funds and prioritising of social life. The interplay of occupation and agency was evident in Henry's financial skills and his criticism of the administration of fees within the complex he has lived in for 10 years. Henry (villa [V]) utilised membership category to highlight the continuation of his profession as part of his spatial practice within the complex: I was on the body corporate as chairman for eight and a half years. And, um, ah, I left. Only been out of the body corporate situation for about twelve or eighteen months now. I made it my job to be involved and I still cause people a little bit of concern because of my interest is especially in the accounts. Um. My background is accounting and of course, ah, have always been, ah, very interested in how the accounts are and sometimes I disagree with management, with how they are handling it. Henry's statements show the social act of supporting business acumen ('I think the owners have a right to make money') alongside the need for consumer protection ('one of the failings of the [Retirement Villages] Act that has always been there is no limit on the exit fees'). The linkage of occupation and agency also provided a contrast to ambivalence about living in the complex. In stark contrast to her relating she 'wouldn't call it home', Vera (LC) clearly demonstrated her category and agency in her role of treasurer of 'friends of x'. She participated in purposively resuming control of resident's fundraising monies, which had been administered by the complex's management so it could be directed to projects of their own choosing. The third way the interplay of occupation and agency was evident was in the prioritising of external community life over complex life; occupation ensured that continued community involvement with complex life presented as an option to be taken up more fully at a future time. Implicit within the conversation of Mel (V) was a preference for

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community life alongside her categorisation as a volunteer worker at a large public hospital and as a pastoral care worker: I am not involved with village activities at the moment. But, I do expect in the future that I will be. Yes, in the future. I realise that it was best while I could be out and about as long as I could. That its better. You become a bit insular if you're totally within the village all the time... Security features of some complexes were rejected by Mel and represent a social act refuting familiar marketing of residential complexes as well as an implicit criticism of their segregation from the wider community, 'I feel in a gated community, you are cut off from the community, and you, that you, are isolated'. Spatial practice outside the complex was actively sought in contrast to what was missing in the complex, in Mel's words, 'the real world'. The spatial practice of residents who undertake social acts to challenge the complex's raison d'être highlights tensions surrounding the resident's autonomy and control. Alongside a supported manageable life in a residential complex is an administrative and managerial structure that is expensive, segregated and directive, all impacting on resident's spatial practice. How the Residential Complex Compromised Spatial Practice Spatial practice for some older people was problematic to establish and maintain—it was contextualised by a sense of loss in relation to home, space and occupation. In addition, there was the challenge of negotiating new and intricate relationships within the complex. However, with time and social acts of assertion and occupation, participants achieved a tailored spatial practice within the complex. Issues of loss and anxiety, control and purposive occupation are described below. To a number of participants, the relocation to a complex represented a loss of their former home. Some participants openly identified the social act of grief and the temporal nature of these feelings: I cried for weeks ... you know, it is the sort of thing, like you live it every day, and then it gets weaker and weaker. You know, damn got to settle in here you know, cause we have got nothing now. No home, nothing. So, you got no choice. (Lily, LC) She goes on to say you have to accept the place 'otherwise you go mad, you know'. Chanel's (HC) discourse also shows the temporal nature of acceptance through hesitation, all evidence of the complexity of categorising the complex as home: ... when I went to church on Sunday moming and I meet everybody and they would say. How are you doing? You know, I would always say I am going back. I couldn't say I am going home. But now over the years, it took me about three years I think, really, to be able to say, I am going home. Residents' spatial practice was also contextualised by the rules and restrictions within the complex. On the whole, participants accept them as part of life at the complex but


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agent-patient distinction, the difference between what is done by a person and what is done to a person, lets us see how .they view themselyes as having to gain permission. Participants view themselves hot as someone who rnakes choices, plans and rules, but someone who lives with the consequences of the complex's management. The need for permission was evident across a number of contexts. Participants were also strongly engaged with people and activities within the complex and community. However, their occupation was related to other factors, in particular loss. The spatial practice of participants was a continuation and adaptation of occupation categories to fit with their new space. The continuation of occupation seen in Lily's (LC) membership category of craftswoman is contextualised by her sense of loss: oh well, I'm a great one for handicrafts stuff. So, you know miss all ofthat. Oh well. This is what you know. It doesn't give you an opportunity to bring too much or otherwise you wouldn't be able to walk around. I done a lot of bob and lace. I got machines here, so bit of sewing every now and again. Lily's domestic repertoire extended to choosing to continue with domestic pattems within her low care facility; 'I do me bit of washing every week and have got me garden. I feed the birds here. They have got real friendly. They come up on the landing and fed off us'. There are exceptions, for some people (women in particular) enjoyed freedom from domestic chores such as cleaning and cooking, 'oh yes, they come and clean. I don't have to clean the toilet (laugh). That is wonderful' (Anne, LC). The commitment to maintain categories, despite the complex's activity timetable, was seen by a number of participants: Very kind here, in as much, they more or less leave you to do what you what you want to do. They encourage you to join in obviously. They don't want you to stay in your room all the time because you become a recluse and get out of mixing well. I love reading and every aftemoon I would rather read and look at a video than I would going down and looking at a film on the overhead projector. (Chanel, HC) Membership category was able to be adapted as well, as people successfully replaced former skills with others when they were restrained by space or ability. Reg (LC), a carpenter and maker of fine fumiture, created beautiful tapestry canvases. Reg's ability to replace carpentry with tapestry is an evidence of adaptation of his categorisation of craftsman, 'I do tapestry mainly because you can stop and start it. Still using your hands. When you have been in a trade all your life. I started when I was about ten'. Occupation, too, included maintaining links with community life, including church and family events. Although, for Lily (LC), location hindered relationships, 'only trouble is, I have got the complaint about, it is just too far away from everything. When people want to visit you, you know, it is hard'. The interplay of space and occupation is strong. The importance of people being able to maintain occupations important to them is facilitated not only by having the physical space but also by the control to manage their own time in their own way. The complex is a powerful determinant of this, as seen in the next section.

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How the Residential Complex Hindered Spatial Practice In discussing their spatial practice, some older people described their activities as being restricted by the complex. Linked to their spatial practice were negative views about life and relationships in a residential complex. They were critical of restraints on their occupation and of the complex's management. Their views were part of a preference for living in their homes within the community. In contrast to the spatial practice of those participants who viewed the residential complexes as places of care and support, a number of people refuted this premise undertaking the social act of criticism: I found when I came and got into the retirement village it was very nice while you were able bodied and could do things for yourself. But, as time went on and got older and couldn't do it, I found you got a pretty raw deal. (Heather, V) Whilst Hannah (V) also identifies a lack of support, this excerpt also highlights that older people are categorised as patients, not agents by staff: I stayed ovemight with a friend of mine once and got read the riot act you know. She said, would you like to stay ovemight and I will take you home in the moming? And I said, yes, you know. She said, no, you don't do that. You inform us because. But the funny part is, they don't check on you, they wouldn't know if I was here or not. I always laugh at them and say, when you smell me you can come and get me. The above excerpts highlight the agency expressed by older people: despite being assigned the category of patient, Hannah used humour to convey her agency. The lexical choice, that is the words chosen by participants, highlights the categories they assign to their circumstances; Heather (V) used the lexicons 'isolation' and 'strangers': you are pretty isolated... the lady opposite she is very nice, very good. She pops in occasionally and ah, says hello to me. But beyond that, all these others are strangers. They are much younger. They have their own friends, you know. Hannah also utilises the lexicon of strangers, 'this is where I ended u p . . . place of strangers'. The discourse of Hannah and Heather is in stark contrast to the positive views held by some participants of relationships within the complex. Complex life for some participants represented ongoing grief, given that it ensured separation from their partner and family. The separation was expressed poignantly by Meg (HC). Meg's categorisation 'I am very family minded...all I wanted to do was be a mother and a grandma' followed a lengthy discussion of all the family photographs on her wall. She related a number of times of her ongoing sadness at not being with her husband. The separation of partners, as a consequence of one partner having to receive care, remains a source of ongoing grief for people. Indeed this also extends to separation from family, as seen in Mel's (V) anecdote, who categorised isolation as a reason one resident moved from the complex, 'the woman that was here before was an Australian Chinese lady who missed


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her extended family situation and she has gone to live in an extended family situation. She felt very isolated here'. It is, however, the existence of prevailing restraints and consequently not being able to achieve purposive activity that has far-reaching consequences for people's sense of identity and well-being. The discourse concept of categorisation is evident within the text of participants who were unable to achieve this. Ray (HC) identified that lack of occupation was tied in his categorisation of himself as useless: I am not doing anything constructive. And, um, as I was doing you know, things that were constructive... I did a lot of handy work, lawns, used to go to daughter's place and do the lawn there and things like that were useful. But I am not doing anything useful here. It just... felt so useless. I feel that I could do things. But why, why am I here? what am I doing?

Analysis and Spaces of Representation Spaces of representation are the symbolic dimensions of space; space, as it might be, the images and symbols are used by people within their spaces to signify meaning. As outlined by Lefebvre (1991, p. 39) this is space as directly lived through its associated images and symbols... space which the imagination seeks to change and appropriate. It overlays physical space, making symbolic use of its objects... tend towards more or less coherent systems of nonverbal symbols and signs. As a means to capture spaces of representation, older people talked of objects in their spaces that symbolise lived experience and produce meaning. The discourse analysis tool of signification was utilised to interpret data; what do the material objects signify? (Rose, 2007). The findings in relation to material objects are outlined in the below two sections, photographs and items. Photographs Referentiality was part of most conversations with participants about their photographs (Rose, 2003). That is, the photograph is discussed or described as if it was the person. A photographic print is pointed to on the sideboard or wall with the accompanying words 'that is my granddaughter', 'that is x my daughter'. The full expression would be 'that is a photo of; however, 'the photo of is omitted (Rose, 2003). In interviews, the photograph was treated as if it was what is pictured, ' . . . that is Alan's father' (Ursula V) and ' . . . this is my daughter Helen. The one. She was a nurse. She was a lovely girl' (Heather V). Within these excerpts both spatial and temporal aspects are evident, the existence of the photograph within that space and its immediate availability as well as its temporal characteristics of bringing past memories to the present. A number of participants had large collections of photographs covering walls. In the limited space of low and high care rooms, photographs can take a relatively large amount of space and are often presented as multiple photographs in one frame. Family photographs irrespective of omamentation are

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central, seen as significant objects in people's rooms and villas. They are placed in prime positions, paid attention to and, as argued, establish the presence of the referent in the participant's daily life. The social act of connection is seen in Chanel's (HC) comment 'I am happy here. I have photos of all even up to great grandchildren'. Grandchildren are a common referent of connection in participant's photographic prints. Susan Sontag in her essay, 'On Photography' (Sontag, 1977) points out that family photographs bear witness to a (family's) connectedness when they no longer live together. However, the referentiality in photographs for some is linked to loss and absence. Ray's (HC) account of the photograph on his wall was made in the context of loss, a social act of grieving: They have a photograph, a combination of photographs in a frame up on the wall there. Ah, which shows different outings we have had. That is showing members of the family. My daughter is keen on photography. She put all of these together. Apart from that, I have got nothing other than the clothes that I wear. And it is the kind of attire that, ah, I live in here. I bought that from home but apart from that I have got nothing left. Photographs on the whole were external to the time the person was living in the residential complex, often to do with life prior to moving to the complex. Drover (LC) was, however, an exception. In addition to family photographs on display, he kept and continued to update an album of photographs of the past 3 years at the residential complex, including outings, Christmas parties and documenting changes in his garden. Drover continued to actively chronicle his life; his photographic album continued to be a living record. As he said, 'this is my life'; this is a 'record of my time here'. Photographs were in effect an ongoing signification. Items It is not only photographs that held referentiality; other items including prints, ornaments and furniture were discussed in reference to a family member or a friend. This is clearly seen with Mel (V) identifying art and furniture alongside referents, 'it is part of my reminisce, where I lived, where my family are'. Mel's point of 'my reminisce' highlights the significance of memories alongside loss and absence. Items on display retell distance and loss. The presence of an item is a reminder that she is not living with, and is far from, partners and family. In reference to an ornament, a porcelain dog, loss is signified by Lily (LC) 'my sister, the last sister that died, gave me that when she was much younger you know, and I sort of treasure it'. For others, however, treasured ornaments were linked to former times, in Maeve's (V) case travelling by sea to go birdwatching. Furniture that acted as signifiers of former occupation and of gifts and as representations of family homes was all highly valued. Indeed, furniture and items played a pivotal part for many in the process of attaining a sense of home: Int: Mrs M does it feel like home? Maeve: Oh yes, yes, yes.


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Int: that's good, mm good. What has been the main thing that has helped it feel like home? Maeve: Oh, all my possessions... my paintings, my furniture. You start putting up pictures and things like this and you think yes it is beginning to look like home because of the familiar. So that that is very important, what you bring with you. (Ruth, V) The attainment of a sense of home was multifaceted. This complexity was evident in a number of ways. The use of possessions and artefacts to attain place attachment is widely discussed in the literature and is generally one researchers draw on. In contrast though an absence of items was evident in both the living space of some participants and noted in their discourse: No, I don't think I get attached to possessions. No, I'm not, I don't have an ornament cupboard. And you know, I have the kids trophies in the back of the cupboard there (laugh). They are not on display. (Jo, V) Drover (LC) makes links between the environment in the complex, his category of himself as a country person and home: Drover: It is my place. I made this my home. That was all there was about it. As I say to them up there when they grumble. And I said, you haven't settled down. That is their trouble. This is home. Int: What is about it that makes it home (name)? Drover: First it's the surroundings... surroundings because all my life I loved gardening Other participants suggested that place attachment was not achieved through items. In relation to her small bookcase of books, Vera (LC) stated with a laugh, 'they are nice, but, not attached to them'. Similarly, 'wouldn't call it home (laugh)... place where I live (laugh)'. Yet, others utilised the category- of home in relation to their low and high care rooms. These care settings are generally not seen as home by wider society, yet for some older people it is home.

Conclusion: Spatial Practice and Spaces of Representation Our findings illustrate not only the diversity and complexity of daily routines and meaning for older people living in residential complexes but also the inherent difficulty of having one dominant model of specialised housing for older people. The application of the theory of social space provides illuminating perspectives of how daily life is practiced by older people as well as the meaning the space represents. In discussing these dimensions of spatial practice and spaces of representation further, we revisit the research questions and

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consider some of the implications for the construction of specialised spaces for older people. The very essence of diversity, namely the range of spatial practices that make up older people's everyday life, makes the production of one space, the residential complex, to suit everyone inherently difficult. The heterogeneity amongst older people living in complexes is evident in the findings given here. There are tensions centeing on three sets of issues: relationships to the external community, how older people view their independence and if the space facilitates occupation. The experience of belonging and community, whilst commonly marketed in relation to older people's specialised housing, was not felt by all participants. Issues about belonging in relation to where older people live continue to be a focus in gerontology and this study with the lens of spatial practice assists in understanding that elective belonging was expressed by some but not by all participants irrespective of their form of accommodation. This was linked to whether the space affirmed both past and future expectations of their life and provided a routine that included valued relationships, activities and social responsibility. These findings extend previous studies where elective belonging has been identified in retirement villages (Bernard et al., 2004; Stimson, 2002) largely for the cohort of the 'third age' (Gilleard & Higgs, 2005, p. 20; Mings, 1997). Whilst some literature complements findings of strength of attachment in care facilities (Knight et aZ., 2010; Oldman & Quilgars, 1999), on the whole research concludes that care facilities are responsible for poor links with place attachment (see Tuckett, 2007). It is noteworthy that a number of participants related that community was missing in their former suburb reinforcing international findings (Phillipson, 2007). These issues are important to policy-makers and planners and an important research agenda. In contrast, a number of participants experienced the space of the complex as compromising their spatial practice. The complex was a place of strangers, a space that represents a (regulated) separation from family and the wider community. These findings spanned the differing forms of accommodation within the complex. The concept of exclusion is helpful in considering these experiences, as it encompasses not only separation and loneliness but also the limits that are placed on participant's spatial practice. The space in itself represents a change or loss of spatial practice. This contrasts to the belonging others felt, in that the space of the complex is intrinsically not compatible with participant's views and expectations. The second set of issues centred on dependence and independence. Some piirticipants categorised themselves as someone who will now or in the future need care and support. Indeed, they categorise living in a complex and not relying on family as a measure of independence. An assessment that community life does not offer enough support for older people was part of this perception, a view commonly held in Australia particularly amongst women (Quine & Morrell, 2007). The pervasiveness of constructing old age as a time of dependency leads to the need to question the influence of wider societal structures on older people, in particular the societal discourses that are responsible for these messages. The marketing discourses of the providers of residential complexes as well as the mixed messages that often permeate media articles and policy reports provide some of the power of this discourse. The third tension centred on the strength of occupation that older people held irrespective of their living arrangements and physical ability. Occupation included both long held and new interests, solitary and group pursuits, undertaken both indoors and outdoors. The strength of findings in regard to occupation, irrespective of the resident's


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frailty, clearly showed how occupation represented the means by which people remained in touch with their whole lives. Research has noted the strong links between occupation and well-being in relation to gardening and the outdoors (Milligan et ai, 2004; Peace et ai, 2006) and volunteering (Warburton & Cordingley, 2004). It is within the literature on agency (see Kontos, 1998; Tulle & Mooney, 2002) that links are made between occupation and people living in purpose-built accommodation. There is an increasing recognition of the need to facilitate occupation within complexes, in particular gardening and provision of 'men's sheds', a clear indication that the space of older people is being recognised in a wider sense. It is by considering the spatial dimension that the tension surrounding occupation can be seen. Participants who were unable to continue or adapt occupations that were important to them were restrained by space limitations and saw themselves within the category of useless or too old. Neither their living space nor the wider complex space facilitated occupation. These issues suggest the need for the design of complexes with sufficient and flexible space, factors clearly recognised for community-living older people (Judd et ai, 2010). The expression of agency was closely linked to occupations held by older people. The findings suggested micro-forms of agency as well (Tulle, 2004) such as voicing concems about management practices. Resident's occupation informs these criticisms of residential complexes, management and fee stmctures. Criticism extended to the view that the commercial priorities and management structures and regulations were unacceptable. On the other hand, some participants accepted the transfer of control and regulations associated with living in a complex and saw it as supporting their security. They were positive about management practices and the general running of the complex. The lens of spaces of representation clearly demonstrates the production of personal space through the display and use of objects by older people living in the complexes. Older people's incorporation of meaning into their living space, in respect of their life, their relationships with others and their relationships with places is both a historical and contemporary practice of everyday life. By using a lens that is cognisant of both the spatial and temporal, the significance of not only recollection but also ongoing life events is highlighted. The literature concemed with older people and place is characterised by a historical lens, of 'keeping the past alive' (Rubinstein & Parmelee, 1992, p. 140). Within Rowles' framework of the geographical experience of older people in terms of both place and space, the aspect of fantasy is concemed with recollection and imagination. 'Reflective fantasy imbued contemporary place with depth of meaning inasmuch as the stream of the past was incorporated within its experienced identity' (Rowles, 1978, p. 183). Indeed, the importance of reminiscence was evident in the findings, with older people displaying objects with strong links to family, friends, travel, occupation and places formerly lived. It is of interest though that older people continue to chronicle contemporary events, displaying records such as photographs and memorabilia of recent and forthcoming events. Older people not only reminisce, but they also continue to produce space. However, signification of these objects, past and present, is not only about connection. Studies have tended to link the symbolic use of objects, particularly biographical objects such as photographs and omaments, as constructing a sense of place (Hoskins, 1998). This study has found, however, that objects not only signify connection but also signify absence and loss (Rose, 2003). The literature concemed with older people and space makes strong links between a sense of place and a sense of self (Kellaher et ai, 2004, p. 68). This study

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extends this understanding by showing that sense of place incorporates the meaning of loss and absence as well. Furthermore, signification is not limited to representing relationships in the older person's life. The importance of the environment, including gardens, the bush and inner city life, in some older people's lives extends the domestic lens that dominates the literature on older people's living environments. This reinforces the growing literature concemed with the importance of the natural world (Burholt, 2006; Peace et al, 2004) and the environment (Wright & Lund, 2000) for older people. It is important to note the strong links between the natural as well as the urban environment not only as a signifier for older people but also as an occupation. This is clearly seen in the occupation of gardening and walking around the park space within a residential complex. Linking such examples of positive ageing with place and the concept of therapeutic landscapes is worthy of future research (Andrews et al, 2007; Milligan et al, 2004). Signification of objects is not something all participants place importance on; 'they are nice but not attached to them' (Vera). Whilst this research highlights the importance of having space that signifies current and past relationships and events in people's lives, it is important to not make broad generalisations and assumptions regarding this. For some older people occupation gave them meaning, and it is important to note that their space facilitated this. Conversely for some older people, an absence of objects and occupation within a constrained physical space clearly showed the link between these three aspects; space was not being produced by these people. Finally, inherent within all the above points are the links older people make to being at home. Research on ageing and place tends to focus on the home and residential facilities as separate locales, mainly concemed with merits of each in terms of well-being (Andrews & Phillips, 2005a). Within this study, however, some participants held definitive views of the residential complex as home, clearly stating it was or was not their home. This was irrespective of type of accommodation: low care, high care or villa. The literature tends to link home to the domestic space (Kellaher et al, 2004; Rowles & Chaudhury, 2005; Wiles et al, 2009) and considers issues of home in residential facilities in terms of measures to make it 'home like' by the use of domestic fumiture and giving residents space to house some of their objects. It also links home to where control over one's life can be freely exercised (Andrews et al, 2006). Indeed, this is the case for some people, but the range of settings considered home in this study does not support the need for control. The findings suggest that it is about having a space that signifies connection, whether that is to objects, environment or occupation. Whilst this exploratory study is not generalisable, it has clearly shown that place is multifaceted. The holistic framework of social space is in contrast to the various forms of reductionism that characterises much of social gerontology (Andrews, 2004) and the lack of theory in housing research (King, 2011). Social spaces respect life course theory and its focus on people, their circumstances rather than their age and importantly how people continue to produce space. It does this by providing a framework to outline a complex set of social, political and cultural dynamics that surround residential complexes as spaces for older people. By asking how space is conceived, perceived and lived, Lefebvre's social space offered a rich framework to explore daily life for older people living in complexes. Arguably, the dimensions of social space are demonstrated more sharply in such a specialist separate environment. In this study a range of spatial practices were evident, providing an affirmation of the complexity of produced space for older people thereby


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adding to discussions in gerontology and housing studies of the ideal purpose-built environment (Bernard et al, 2012; Petersen & Warburton, 2012) and again highlighting the heterogeneity of older' people's' lives. Lefebvre's spaces of representation affirmed these points by highlighting the varied lives of older people and the need for older people's housing to be cognisant of older people's individual identity, how they seek to shape their place and their ongoing engagement with life.

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