Using Images to Understand the Experience of ...

Mothers in Transition: Using Images to Understand the Experience of Migrant Mothers in Shanghai Author(s): Mimi V. Chapman, Meihua Zhu, and Shiyou Wu Source: Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research, Vol. 4, No. 3 (2013), pp. 245-260 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Society for Social Work and Research

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Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research Volume 4, Issue 3, 245–260

November 21, 2013 ISSN 1948-822X DOI:10.5243/jsswr.2013.16

Mothers in Transition: Using Images to Understand the Experience of Migrant Mothers in Shanghai Mimi V. Chapman University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Meihua Zhu East China University of Science and Technology Shiyou Wu University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill In-country migration is changing the face of China’s urban areas. As individuals and families move from the countryside to the cities, parents and children must adapt to new expectations and challenges. Most research on immigration examines data from large surveys that describe trends or characteristics of the migrant population. Little research includes individual migrants telling their own stories in their own way. Using an adaptation of Photovoice, a participatory research method, we asked migrant mothers in Shanghai to take photographs of their daily lives and use those images in group discussion to describe their parenting experiences. In addition, the research team independently coded the photographs to identify themes not included in the mothers’ initial discussion. Researcher-derived codes were member checked before including the results in this article. The article also presents results of a key stakeholder forum during which the migrant mothers presented their pictures and stories to decision makers. Key words: migration, China, mothers, parenting, children, Photovoice Since the 1980s when the Chinese government initiated broad economic reforms and opened its doors to international trade, China’s urban and industrial centers have experienced dramatic growth with a seemingly endless need for labor (Zhu, 2002). The opportunity for higher-paying manufacturing jobs has prompted mass in-country migration from the country’s rural areas to the urban centers. Official census data for 2010 indicated that 8.98 million migrants, or 40% of Shanghai’s population, were living and working in Shanghai (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2010). Although survey data describes some characteristics of the migrant population, little if any data is available from the migrants’ point of view. In the West, social work has long been involved with migration and resettlement issues and, as early as the 1930s, Edith Abbott was using photographs to document immigrant living conditions (Abbott, 1936). In China, where social work is a profession that has been reintroduced in the last 20 years, widespread work with migrant populations is just beginning (Shi, 2005; Wu & Wu, 2013). Using visual methods, this article provides a window into the experiences and parenting concerns of migrant mothers in China. As new social workers define their profession in China, starting with client perspectives and realities will provide grounding for

Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research

intervention development and testing. This article first presents the process by which themes were identified, details the central concerns identified by the mothers, describes the resulting community forum, and then presents the implications for social work research and practice in China. The Context of In-Country Chinese Migration: Hukou In the past, in-country migration was prevented by the Chinese hukou system of resident registration. Basically, hukou is a registration system that records demographic data about all household members, such as the family name, address, birth date, parents’ names, marital status, and relation to others in the household. During the latter part of the 20th century, the hukou functioned as an internal passport, restricting people to living, working, or attending school in the area where they were registered as permanent residents. Although the restrictions on incountry migration are not as strictly enforced as they once were (Wang, 2008), the hukou system complicates the lives of rural-to-urban migrant workers, who are referred to as nong min gong or the “floating population.” Nong min gong now represent 17% of the Chinese population (National Population and Family Planning Commission of China [National Population], 2012). For many migrants, the move to

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the city represents upward mobility and a chance for earning power that is impossible in rural areas (Shi, 2005). However, raising children as a migrant parent brings particular challenges. Migrants and their children often face difficulties in obtaining health care or enrolling for education beyond middle school because their hukou is attached to their birthplace (and a child’s hukou is attached to his or her parents’ birthplace). Until 2012, education for migrant workers’ children was provided through a separate system from that offered to the children of registered residents of the host city. Although this policy was changed in Shanghai, many migrant parents are unaware of the change or do not know how to enroll their children in local schools (Wang, 2012). Thus, even with the policy change, the opportunity for equal education remains elusive. Most migrant children attend non-government sponsored schools run by other migrants; these schools do not have the resources to hire qualified teachers or provide basic educational facilities (Shi, 2005; Wu, 2010). The lives of migrant families are further complicated by the multiple separations that many of the families experience. This experience is so prevalent that a term left-behind children has been created to refer to the children who stay in the home province, usually left in the care of relatives or friends, while their parents move to the city to work (Duan & Zhou, 2005; Yu, 2012). Some migrant families try to remain together, but once children reach middle-school age they must return to their home province if they are going to continue their education, because the entrance exams for high school must be taken in the province recorded in the family’s hukou (Wu, 2012; Wu & Wu, 2013). Moreover, the exams are not standardized between urban and rural areas. The lack of standardized tests across regions means migrant children are not adequately prepared for the exams unless they complete the preparatory courses in their hometowns, which requires separating from their families in the middle-school years. Some children resist separation and, rather than endure such a rift, choose to end their formal education or learn a trade (Gong, Hu, & Yan, 2012; Wu, 2010). Despite the considerable difficulties and disparities, migration from the country to the city brings many benefits to families. Moving from rural areas that offer subsistence living can provide a higher standard of living for the immediate family as well as the extended family via support the migrant family sends to relatives in the hometown. Indeed, China’s rising standard of living is due in large part to migration (National Population, 2010). However, little is known about individual’s migration experiences, how they view their lives in urban areas, how they


perceive child rearing, and how these perceptions affect their decision making in their new urban worlds. The current research literature on migration in China is mainly based on surveys of living conditions (Duan, Zhang, & Lu, 2009; Zhang & Sun, 2010), fertility status (e.g., Fu & Xiang, 2005; Wu, 2009), employment (Li & Tang, 2002; Shi, 2005;), workplace safety (Pan, Guo, & Lu, 2011; Shi, 2008;), social mobility (Fu & Tang, 2009; Li, 2006;), urban adaptability (Jiang, 2003; Zhu, 2002), and children’s psychological well-being and educational status (Wang, 2009; Xiang, 2005). These aggregate studies are valuable but insufficient for understanding how these population-level concerns translate into individual decision making and actions. The present analysis adds to the literature by using an adaptation of the Photovoice method to focus on the experiences of a group of mothers (N = 14) living in a migrant village in Shanghai. Method Overview A group of 14 mothers was recruited from village with a predominantly migrant population. Using a group discussion setting, we asked mothers to tell us about parenting and daily life in the migrant village through photographs they had taken. The crosscultural, bi-national research team analyzed transcripts of these discussions to understand cross-cutting themes for this population, returned to the group of mothers for member checking and additional data collection, and to organize a community forum. In addition, the research team created codes for unspoken themes—based on Chinese culture and the migration literature—to determine whether such themes or patterns might emerge from the participant-created images, which is a thus far little-used approach in visual research methods (Packard, 2008). These researcher-imposed codes were also member checked with the mothers’ group. Taken together, the mothers’ words and images provide a rich portrait of migrant life. Photovoice Within research on participatory visual research (Lorenz & Kolb, 2009), participants in the Photovoice approach (Carlson, Engebretson, & Chamberlain, 2006; Wang & Burris, 1997) use cameras to capture elements of their life experiences. Photovoice is often used in public health, community development, and education, to aid researchers and interventionists in identifying and understanding which issues are important to individuals, especially those who might be asked to make lifestyle or behavior changes (Wang

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MIGRANT MOTHERS IN SHANGHAI

Figure 1. Data gathering and analysis activities using an adaptation of the Photovoice visual research method with migrant mothers in Village T. & Burris, 1997; Wang, Morrel-Samuels, Hutchison, Bell, & Pestronk, 2004). The Photovoice experience has proven to be a powerful force for community change by integrating documentary photography, qualitative textual analysis, and social action (De Heer, Moya, & Lacson, 2008; Wang & Burris, 1997). Visual methods in general have been used in social work scholarship since the profession’s early days, and contemporary scholars have argued for more inclusion of visual methods in social work research and practice (Marshall, Craun, & Theriot, 2009). Photovoice uses a set procedure to identify the topics on which participants focus their photographs, to structure the group discussion of photographs, and to decide how photographs and stories are presented to those outside of the participant group (Wang et al., 2004; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). A commonly used iteration of Photovoice uses a community forum setting in which photographs and text are presented to decision-makers either by researchers alone or by the researchers and individual participants. The community forum is held subsequent to the data gathering and analysis process. Other Photovoice applications are followed by in-depth interviews or case studies (Zhu, Wu, & Chapman, 2012). The current investigation is one part of a series of community-engaged intervention research projects in Village T. In-depth case study interviews conducted by the second author are being analyzed and prepared for publication in English. This article presents findings from the Photovoice component. Photo Coding Photovoice and related methods are used to balance the power dynamics between participants and researchers (Wang & Burris, 1997). The process of making an image and then choosing what elements of the image to discuss gives participants substantial control in establishing how a discussion proceeds. In the present study, the photographs served as elicitation devices that helped participants talk about important issues and their concerns (Sandelowski, 2000). Participatory visual research presumes that visual mate-


rial enables researchers to access information that might be missed through a traditional interview format (Lorenz & Kolb, 2009). In the larger field of participatory visual research, some visual researchers have noted that participant-created images can serve as data in the absence of text: “Photographing is an act which renders something visible and therefore important and others invisible and less important” (Packard, 2008 p. 69). Following our initial Photovoice sessions, we engaged in an investigation of the mothers’ photographs that integrated visual content analysis (Bell, 2004) with semiotic perspectives as outlined by Collier (2004). Figure 1 provides a schematic of the data gathering and analysis process. Collier provides four steps for visual analysis in which image content and the researcher’s perspective interact. We added an iterative component in which the verbal text obtained during the Photovoice sessions created a starting point for coding; other researcher-derived codes were then added. These preliminary findings were used to elicit further discussion with the mothers. The final set of findings integrates data from both verbal and visual texts. Research Team The study was conducted by a transnational American and Chinese research team. The first and second authors—one Chinese and one American—are both social work practitioners and researchers. The third author is a doctoral student from China who is studying social work at a U.S. university and, before coming to the United States, was involved in research and practice with migrant children in Beijing. Several aspects of this research project were innovative and pioneering. For example, the project was embedded within one of the first social work agencies in Shanghai, and the project was one, if not the first, social work project in China to specifically address the needs of migrant families. Accordingly, our first step was to experientially orient the Chinese agency social workers to the Photovoice method; this activity acted as a feasibility assessment allowing us to refine our methods before actually working with mother-participants.

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We asked the social workers to take pictures representing three strengths and three concerns they had about the migrant village in which they lived. The social workers then discussed the photos using the Photovoice “SHOWeD” method that asks the same set of questions about each photo (i.e., SHOWed is a mnemonic for What do you See here? What is really Happening? How does this relate to Our lives? Why does this problem or strength exist? What can we Do about it? Wang et al., 2004, p. 912). Based on this experience, the social workers suggested modifications to the data collection plan, with the primary suggestion being to simplify the SHOWeD method because the group thought the approach was too repetitive. To make this modification, we began with the first Photovoice question: “What do you see in this photograph?” The discussion flowed freely from that point, with the facilitator asking additional questions such as, “What makes this an important photograph to you?” “What strength or problem is shown in this photograph?” “What are your ideas about how to change this problem or build on this strength?” Although China does not have a tradition of overseeing social science research with human participants, our Chinese partners agreed to adopt procedures for data collection and informed consent consistent with U.S. standards. All procedures were approved by the first and third authors’ institutional review board (IRB). The second author, a Chinese national without access to an IRB in her institution, agreed to do the work in accordance with the first author’s IRB as did her institution in China through a formal memorandum. Site Selection As in most major Chinese cities, migrants in Shanghai live in enclaves that are geographically separated from the resident population. This study was conducted in “Village T,” a typical migrant area. Village T is home to approximately 4,500 individuals, representing 2,276 households. Approximately 7% of the Village T population consists of Shanghai residents who are the landlords for the remaining 93% of the village residents, who are migrant tenants (Zhu & Chu, 2011). Located in Southwest Shanghai, Village T lies outside the outer loop of the city’s expansive expressway system and far from the sparkling lights of the historic waterfront district. Although Southwest Shanghai has many newer buildings, the buildings in Village T are old and have not been renovated. Most dwellings do not have indoor plumbing. Families rely on water from community wells for washing clothes, and purchase drinking water from their landlords. A typical family in Village T consists of a couple with


two children, living in a one-bedroom dwelling. Businesses, primarily services, are located in Village T, including grocery stores, barber shops, tailors, and small factories. In addition, the village has a small common room in which residents hold meetings or gather to play mahjong, and a small library provides an additional meeting space. In contrast to a refugee or migrant labor camp, Village T and others villages of this type become permanent homes for migrant workers. Recruitment and Procedures Study participants were recruited via flyers placed around the village. Mothers interested in study participation attended an informational meeting conducted by the second author, who described the study aims and procedures. Mothers were informed that participation was voluntary and that they could withdraw from participation at any time. Of the 20 mothers who attended the meeting, 17 agreed to participate and provided signed, written consent. Of these 17 participants, three mothers had to drop out of the study because of scheduling conflicts. The study mothers were provided with commercially available, hand held, digital cameras and were asked to take pictures that answered the question, “What is it like to be a mother in Village T?” In total, the 14 study mothers provided 243 photographs. After removing photographs that mothers said were taken “just for fun” or photographs that were blurry or unclear, 108 photographs were used for the group discussion and analysis. Members were able to see and discuss one another’s photographs, meaning that one mother’s photographs had the potential to provoke discussion not only from her but from the entire group. Sample Study participants were between the ages of 30 and 45 years old, with the exception of one mother who was 50 years old. Table 1 provides a description of the participating mothers. Within this sample of mothers, the most recent migrants to Shanghai had moved to the city within 5 years and the longest residing mother had migrated to the city 20 years ago. Only one mother had education beyond middle school. Just under half of the mothers had a primary school education and one mother described herself as “illiterate.” All mothers were married, and most had more than one child. The larger family size seen among this sample is understandable because these families are from rural areas where China’s famous “one child policy” operates differently than in regions with high population densities (Lv, 1997). Of the 14 mothers, 10 worked outside the home.

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Table 1 Description of Participating Mothers (N=14) Code

Age

Education

Home province

S1

39

Primary School

An Hui

2002（10）

Self-employed

2

S2

37

Middle School

He Nan

2005（7）

Worker

2

S3

35

Middle School

He Nan

1999（13）

Private business

1

S4

31

An Hui

2002（10）

Housewife

2

S5

36

Jiang Su

2007（5）

Housewife

1

S6

33

Technical secondary Middle School school Middle School

An Hui

2005（7）

Housewife

1

S7

33

Illiteracy

An Hui

2005（7）

Janitor

2

S8

42

Middle School

Hu Bei

1992（20）

Barber

3

S9

37

Primary School

An Hui

2001（11）

Junk collector

2

S10

36

Primary School

He Nan

2003（9）

Self-employed

2

S11

50

Primary School

An Hui

1991（21）

Self-employed

4

S12

37

Middle School

An Hui

2001（11）

Housewife

2

S13

39

Middle School

Shan Dong

1993（19）

Self-employed

3

2004（8）

Private business

1

a

Year migrated to Shanghai (Years living in Shanghai)

S14 35 Primary School An Hui S14 took photographs but could not attend the discussion

Occupation

No. of children

a:

Data Collection All group discussion sessions were audiotaped, transcribed in Mandarin, and then translated into English. The discussions were led by the second author, who is a Chinese citizen and native Mandarin speaker. The first author, an American citizen, participated in the discussion sessions with the assistance of an interpreter, and recorded field notes throughout the sessions. The transcripts were linked to the photographs that each mother presented during the discussion. Following the initial group discussion, mothers selected particular photographs to display to community members and decision makers in the village. Several months after the group discussion, a forum was held with key stakeholders; the mothers, social workers, and leaders from the community and regional government met to view the mothers’ photographs, discuss concerns directly with the mothers and researchers, and create solutions. Data Analysis The photographs and each woman’s corresponding narrative were compiled into one document and imported into ATLAS.ti.7.0. for analysis. As our starting point, our three-person analysis team engaged in individual open coding of the transcripts. Through a series of team meetings, these codes were refined and grouped into overarching themes. We reached consen-


sus about codes, reconciled differing interpretations, and identified new codes and themes. We used the same procedure to code the images themselves. In addition, because of the work’s cross-cultural nature, the team members spent considerable time discussing the socio-cultural context, which aided the team in interpreting the study findings. In addition to coding and theme identification, the analytic approach integrated visualcontent analysis (Bell, 2004). As shown in Table 2, we counted the number of times particular subjects were discussed as well as the number of times a theme was present among the photographs. We used multiple strategies to enhance rigor (Thurmond, 2001). First, we coded the data independently (investigator triangulation), which is an accepted method of reducing researcher bias. Second, we used the existing literature on incountry migration as well as insider and outsider cultural perspectives to inform our analysis. Third, we engaged with participants at multiple time points throughout the project period to present, discuss, and modify our findings. In this article, we present only the themes that resonated strongly with the mothers. We gauged resonance by how much participants wanted to talk about the particular theme raised and emotions displayed while talking about certain themes.

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Table 2 Coding Summary of Photographs and Transcripts from Participant Discussion Photographs Theme (N = 108) n % Child alone 47 43.5

Transcripts of group discussion n N/A

Child and mother

16

14.8

N/A

Child and father

4

3.7

N/A

Mother and father

1

0.9

N/A

Whole family

4

3.7

N/A

Only father

1

0.9

N/A

Only mother

12

11.1

N/A

Relatives/friends

16

14.8

N/A

Landscape

7

6.5

N/A

Greater Shanghai

13

12.0

N/A

Rising socioeconomic status

41

38.0

N/A

“Screen time” (television, Internet, or computer)

14

13.0

22

Regarding father

11

10.2

27

Regarding education

28

25.0

49

Regarding health

4

3.7

20

Results In this section, we present our results focusing on cross-cutting themes, subthemes within larger categories, and less-frequently occurring narratives that illustrate particularly compelling issues in China. This section integrates our findings from the discussion transcripts, group discussions focused on memberchecking, and the researchers’ independent coding of the photographs. Results from the community forum follow. Although the mothers gave signed consent for the use of all images, we have elected to modify faces and in some cases hair in the images to render them unidentifiable. Logos on hats or uniforms have also been removed. We have not modified other aspects of the photographs. All photographs used in this article were reviewed by the first author’s IRB chair before they were included in the article. These steps are in keeping with the IRB approval provided to this projects and the Code of Ethics of the International Visual Sociology Association (Papademas, 2009). Included below are exemplary photographs and text illustrating six overarching themes: education; safety and recreation; health care; work and family; fathers; and resilience. Within the theme of education, a number of important subthemes are presented. Two researcher-identified themes, elders and rising wealth, are discussed. Table 2 compares theme frequency using counts and percentages.


Figure 2. “My elder son has a good academic performance. He likes jogging and playing tennis, and he has often been praised.” Wang zi cheng long: Every parent wants their child to be a dragon. As illustrated in the aphorism “Every parent wants their child to be a dragon,” Chinese parents hold high aspirations for their children. Being a dragon refers to a high standard of excellence. Indeed, parental success is often gauged by a child’s achievement. Not coincidentally, parental focus on children’s education was the most dominant, overarching theme

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in our study. Of the 108 photographs discussed and coded, 49 produced discussions related to education, with 28 of those pictures specifically depicting children or parents engaged in education-related activities, such as doing homework, going to school, or discussing a report card. Parents whose children were progressing well in school took photographs that triggered discussion of their children’s achievements. However, many pridefilled statements were tinged with anxiety about the child’s future performance, as illustrated by the comments of two mothers. My daughter is a battalion chief but it is not good to have too many positions in school because it may affect her studies… My daughter is studying in a public school now. She has to go back to our hometown if she wants to enter university. Her teacher visits us and tells us that if she studies here she can only go to vocational school, which is a waste of her talent. Mothers’ comments also revealed their deep worry about children who were not doing well in school. In this sample, the mothers described boys having trouble in school more frequently than they spoke of girls with school-related problems. Indeed, across all the study transcripts, we found only a single mention of a girl having trouble in school, and the “trouble” noted was lower achievement rather than academic failure: “She is seventh or eighth [top student] in her class. I tell her she should be at least third.” In contrast, seven mothers described boys having substantial school problems that ranged from a lack of academic motivation (which led to school drop-out), to rebelliousness among boys considered to be bright but underachieving, to a boy whose academic problems were thought to stem from malnutrition during his early years in the family’s hometown. The image in Figure 3 and the accompanying quotation provide an example. Many of the mothers’ comments demonstrated their respect for their children’s teachers and the mothers’ desire to work collaboratively with the teachers to ensure their children’s education. His English study is not good and his teacher blames him, which makes him unhappy. But when he tells us this we say, “If the teacher doesn’t blame you, who should she blame?...But he does not heed my advice. I want him to study hard. As demonstrated in the above comments of one mother, these parents did not blame children’s academic difficulties on the teachers’ classroom


Figure 3. “My son, his study is getting worse, so I ask him to study after school every night. However, usually, I am very busy with the house work, thus I can seldom help him when he studies. I only have one boy.”

Figure 4. “This is my elder brother’s son. He is a middle-school student and the picture was taken in my elder brother’s offices. His study is ok, but he is naughty… My elder brother said that he was a clever boy with rich imagination, but too naughty. His parents also have no time to take care of him.” methods or personalities. Rather, these parents firmly placed responsibility for classroom success on the child and on themselves. The parents’ overall respect and admiration for teachers was underscored by comments from several mothers who described teachers coming to their homes to discuss positive student progress, and the parents’ willingness to take an active role as a partner in their children’s education.

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Once my child didn’t do well in school and the teacher spoke to me. Sometimes I want to give up and let him go. But later, I think, “I gave birth to

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CHAPMAN, ZHU, AND WU him so I have to educate him.” Otherwise, it is my fault. So, I help at home and his teacher will help him at school. We coordinate with each other. Despite their desire to actively collaborate with the children’s teachers, most of these mothers found it difficult to provide educational support for their children. One difficulty stemmed from the mothers’ limited levels of education; the mothers in our sample had a middle-school education or less. The following comments from two mothers were typical of many comments. One mother reported, “Sometimes I can’t understand their homework, so he asks his older brother for help.” Another mother described supporting her daughter as best she could, “Although I can’t understand, I will sit with my daughter when she is doing her homework.”

followed, mothers stated that they thought pictures taken outside the village were more interesting and that they wanted their children to feel a part of Shanghai life. The image in Figure 6 was one of the photos taken outside the village, and showed a participant’s daughter wearing roller skates in a park in the central district of the city. In response to the picture, and the roller skates in particular, mothers intensely described the lack of safe play spaces within Village T.

Figure 6.FIGURE A mother’s picture of her daughter during INSERT 6 HERE a family outing to a Shanghai city park. In response to this picture, one of the mothers stated, “I don’t dare to buy a roller sports shoes for my child because the road condition [in Village T] is not safe.” for The my child, sinceofthe condition [in Villageare T] a dangers theroad physical environment is not safe.” real and present concern for these mothers because the Figure 5. A girl does her homework at a makeshift desk in her home in Village T. Children’s study habits were often complicated or negatively affected by their family’s living space. As seen in Figure 5, children’s study conditions were often rudimentary. Given that both space and indoor lighting are sometimes in short supply in migrant homes, the study participants reported that they often encouraged their children to study outside to protect their eyesight. Ping an shi fu: Thank goodness you are safe and healthy. Mothers expressed concern for their children’s physical and educational well-being. Specifically, the mothers voiced worries related to diet, exercise, screen time, and physically threatening environments. For these mothers, most positive experiences of childhood take place outside of the village. Four mothers presented 13 pictures of their children and family outside of the village, engaging in activities in the greater city of Shanghai. In the discussion that


village is located next to a canal that is not protected child, since thebarrier. road condition [in isVillage byfora my fence or physical The water often T] foul is not safe.” smelling and sometimes an unnatural green color. One mother described her 3-year-old old child falling into the water and nearly drowning before he was saved by others. The mothers affirmed that this type of accident had happened to many children in the village. Similar to their limitations with homework assistance, the mothers blamed themselves for being unable to adequately supervise their young children because of work demands. In addition to physical dangers, the mothers worried about their children’s involvement with television and the Internet and whether their children got enough physical exercise. We found 22 separate instances of mothers voicing concerns about their children’s screen time (Internet, television, and computer games) as well as seven separate concerns voiced about lack of physical exercise. The image in Figure 7 and caption illustrate these concerns. Comments and photographs like these have particular relevance in China where problematic Internet use (PIU) is considered an addictive disorder (Wang et al., 2011). The quotation attached to Figure 6 highlights the role of the Internet café, considered

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particularly pernicious because parents and other adults cannot supervise what young people do online (Wang, et al, 2011).

The photograph in Figure 8 was taken by a mother who works full-time cleaning a furniture show room, and shows her son holding a container of medication. My child has been ill for nearly one year. He has leukemia…He had a bone marrow transplant in April and he is still in Shanghai…This cost 700,000 yuan [approximately 110,000 USD, approximately 20 times the annual income of the average family in the village]. Each month we had to pay 10,000 yuan. We mortgaged our house and had to borrow money from our relatives…We found out about this illness in December. Before that, he was staying with people in our hometown and we visited him twice a month…I never want others to care for my children again…

Figure 7. “Just stay at home, look at this, look at that, come here, and come there. My elder child will go to Internet bar. When I ask him to buy breakfast in the weekend morning, then he will back home very late, after 11 o’clock, and he saves money during weekday for surfing the Internet.”

Despite her desire never to be separated from her children, this mother further explained that she had to send her younger son—who donated bone marrow to the elder son—back to the home village because coping with the elder son’s illness, her husband’s work, and her work left her no time to care for the younger child.

Kan bing nan, kan bing gui: Health care is difficult and expensive.

Although other health care stories concerned less serious situations, several mothers relayed stores in which health care crises, including injury or illness requiring more than over-the-counter remedies, led parents into complicated, difficult to navigate systems. The mothers described a variety of impediments to obtaining needed care, including getting directions to the hospital, paying for medicine, trying to obtain insurance coverage for work-related injuries, and taking off from work to stand in line for hours before being seen.

Health care in China is in a rapid transition from a state-run, single-payer system that is locally administered to a system that aims to provide health care for all Chinese citizens through a combination of state and private mechanisms (Eggleston, 2012). Currently, China’s health care system is characterized as “wide, but shallow,” meaning that most citizens have basic coverage but relatively few have comprehensive coverage (Eggleston, 2012).

Figure 8. Boy holding medication for treatment of his leukemia. His medical care costs the family nearly 20 times the annual income of the average family in the village. Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research

Figure 9. “I never leave my son, and I can’t feel relieved if I ask others to take care of him. I look after him by myself all the time.”

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Yi qie wei le hai zi: Parenting is all of their personal life. Similar to migrant families across the globe, these mothers migrated for the benefit of both their immediate and extended families. In response to the study “assignment” of taking pictures that described what it was like to be a mother in Village T, the mothers captured many images of children. Of the 108 photos used for analysis, 75 (69.4%) photographs depicted children, which clearly demonstrated the prominence of the maternal role for these women even though they were heavily involved in work life as well. The mothers’ comments in the group discussion mirrored what their pictures showed. The following quotes from one mother summarized the comments shared by many in the group.

work or school activities. Fathers with a higher level of education than their spouse were shown as the parent who helped children study (See Figure 10). Likewise, 27 lines of text discussed fathers and all mentions of fathers spoke to their concerns about children’s academics or about the fathers’ work. Only one picture showed a mother and father as a couple without children or other family members. There was no mention of recreation or time as a couple when the mothers discussed their children’s fathers. Fathers’ concerns about their children’s academic success were captured in photos showing fathers looking at children’s report cards and school work. Other photographs, such as Figure 11, showed fathers working to provide for the family; the mothers spoke proudly of their husbands’ work successes.

I just work for my son every day from 6 o’clock in the morning when my child gets up, until he goes to school. After that, I can go outside to collect waste [recyclables]. At night, I have to check homework for my child and help him washing after he finished his homework. I never leave my son, and I can’t feel relaxed if I ask others to take care of him. I look after him by myself all the time. All my life is about my child. Despite this devotion, these mothers appeared to believe their work schedules and limited education were keeping them from adequately caring for their children (i.e., “doing enough”). Figure 11. “The business is fine. My husband is very capable and he works hard, so his business is not too bad.” In addition to child rearing and work, the mothers were also involved in supporting their husbands’ work. Figure 12 shows a kitchen in which one mother cooked meals for more than 10 people, including her husband’s employees. Because her husband’s employees came from various regions across China, she cooked separate meals to accommodate their regional food preferences. Figure 10. “My husband has higher education than me, so when sometimes I cannot deal with the question, then he will help. All my life is about my child and collecting waste [recyclables].” Nan er you zhi zai si fang: Ambitious men aim far. Out of 108 photos included in the analysis, only 11 photos (10.19%) featured husbands and fathers. Nearly all the photos captured fathers involved with


The work lives of some couples required living separately even though both members are in Shanghai. One participant explained her situation, “My husband is very busy. He does car repair outside [far from Village T] in Shanghai.” Other couples lived separately because fathers were employed as overnight security guards for business sites. Typically, the lower rents in Village T have attracted migrant families to the village. Although the rents are more affordable than other areas of the city, the location of Village T

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means that many men in the village must travel a considerable distance to their jobs, which in turn, limits the role fathers play in child-rearing.

activities outside of Village T. Mothers described these outings as special and symbolic of what they wanted for their children’s future. Figure 13 shows a picture of a study participant who photographed herself embroidering a banner for her home, which reads “grand plans.” In Figure 14, one mother focused on the new village library and the saying inscribed on the wall that read, “Books are the ladder of the progress of mankind.”

Figure 12. “I cook for more than 10 people. I have to cook three meals for them every day. It’s ok for me to do that, as people from different places have different taste, so I cook both spicy and non-spicy food for each meal.”

Jia you yi lao, ru you yi: Elders are a treasure for the family. In traditional Chinese culture, elders expect to live with and to be cared for by their adult children, especially their sons. Migrant families have difficulty fulfilling this expectation. None of the 108 photographs used in this study depicted any elders. When we asked mothers about this absence, they reacted strongly. Through their tears, the women around the discussion table described their collective distress over their inability to fulfill a deep-seated obligation. One mother stated, “In China we have a saying, ‘Elders are the treasure of the family.’” To assuage their distress, mothers reported that they called their elders daily to check on their well-being. One mother voiced the struggle she was experiencing between the needs of her daughter and the needs of her elderly parents. The daughter needed to return to her grandparents’ home in the family’s home village to prepare for her high-school exams; however, the mother was unsure whether caring for their granddaughter would pose too great a burden on the grandparents, both of whom were in failing health. Jian ren bu ba: Strong and Resilient Personality In spite of the hardships described, we found a consistent theme of hope and resilience in both the words and photographs presented by the mothers. Thirteen pictures showed families enjoying leisure


Figure 13. A mother embroidering a gift for her husband; it reads “Grand Plans.”

Figure 14. “I volunteer in our library, and I like this sentence very much, ’Books are the ladder of the progress of mankind.’” Figure 15 shows an elaborate, store-bought birthday cake—a luxury that was unthinkable in the family’s rural hometown. Pictures also showed mothers and other family members standing next to objects that denoted their rising economic prospects. In addition to the birthday cake, the pictures (41 images)

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showed goods such as cars, motor scooters, toys, and electronics as well as images of mothers working in their family-owned businesses (six images), all of which connoted the rising standard of living among these families. The six images that focused on familyowned businesses provoked conversation about business ownership.

Figure 15. “We took this photo last year for his 6year birthday.” A store-bought birthday cake was an unthinkable luxury in the family’s rural hometown.” In sum, these mothers recognized the many sacrifices they have made and are continuing to make for their families. However, as one mother stated, “In order to support the family, any sacrifice is worth it.” Moreover, all study participants affirmed the statement of hope expressed by one mother, “Life will be better in the future.” Photovoice Forum After the first set of group discussions, the second author worked with the mothers to organize a forum in which mothers could share their photographs and stories with Shanghai government officials, scholars, media, social organizations, and community leaders. The photographs were put into a multi-media presentation that featured the mothers’ pictures set to music. The presentation was used to introduce topics that had emerged from the participants’ the discussion of the photos. The topics for the forum discussion included children, recreation, the village environment, the library, and potential social work interventions. In addition, each mother addressed that forum and shared her individual story of migration, and the mothers compared their early days in Shanghai with the lives they have created since moving to Village T. One mother described the hardships her family endured when they first arrived in Shanghai and were homeless with little to eat for several days. The husband now


has his own business and owns a car. The public presentation echoed the mothers’ group discussion when the mothers related their concerns about their children’s education and their desire for their children to attend Shanghai city schools instead of the private migrant schools. Forum participants listened intently to the mothers’ stories, and some were moved to tears upon hearing those stories. Many forum participants stated that the mothers’ stories differed substantially from the negative media portrayals of the floating population, and that hearing directly from the mothers helped them to develop a better understanding of the issues facing the migrant population. After the mothers identified the most critical issues facing migrant families, the discussion shifted to a focus on problem-solving strategies, especially around providing increased support for migrant families. Forum participants encouraged the mothers to write letters to officials about their concerns. Literacy emerged as a barrier to this strategy, but social workers serving Village T agreed to help mothers with preparing letters. In addition, participating in the forum enabled the decision makers to recognize that policy change alone was insufficient to bring about the desired improvement in outcomes. Specifically, the policy change allowing migrant children to attend Shanghai city schools was incomplete without also making the parents aware of the new policy and providing the parents with instructions for enrolling their children and accessing this benefit. Since the forum, an after-school tutoring program has been instituted in Village T, efforts are underway to create safe play spaces, and the library’s hours and services have been extended. The mothers also expressed interest in creating a “good mothers club” to provide mutual support and problem-solving around parenting. Discussion This analysis presents an important perspective on in-country Chinese migration from the standpoint of mothers raising families in the midst of new environments and changing social structures. Although the hukou system is changing, that system still frames these mothers’ lives and choices in powerful ways. Like parents in many parts of the world, the educational success of their children is a paramount concern to these migrant mothers. Yet, the limitations imposed by the hukou system creates conflict between the values related to education and the values the mothers hold toward other aspects of parenting, particularly as children reach middle-school age and must choose between staying with their family or returning to the home village to prepare and be competitive for high school and university. Much literature in China focuses on left behind children, that

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is, the children left with relatives in the home village when their parents migrate to the city for work. An equally compelling issue highlighted in the current investigation could be labeled the sent back children, which is our label for the children who must return to home villages even though they might have few current connections to the village. Nonetheless, the choice to send children back to the hometown is seen as the only option when the parents’ work demands do not allow them to provide adequate supervision for their children, and the best option if the child is to have any chance for higher education. When children do not want to be separated from their parents at age 11 or 12 years, parents engage in a difficult calculus pitting their aspirations for their children against their children’s stated emotional needs and desires. For instance, out of frustration, one mother said: “I can’t take care of two kids, so I asked others to help in my hometown. Another mother stated: “I was very reluctant to send him back to my hometown but a 2-year-old is very naughty [difficult to take care of]. I will take him back when he is obedient. Actually, I am very reluctant, so I call him every day.” Moreover, one mother expressed guilt over the confluence of sending her son back to the hometown, the subsequent discovery of the son’s severe health problems, and her feeling about having to be separated from her son: We found out about this illness last December, and he was feverish all the time. Before that, I asked someone else to take care of my children in my hometown, and we came back to visit them every half month. When we went to hospital to examine, then we found out it was very serious. …I will never ask others to take care of my children again. Likewise, the powerful emotions expressed when we raised the issue of “left behind” elders demonstrated the toll migration extract from these mothers when they are forced to abandon filial duty or attempt to fulfill that duty in unsatisfactory ways. Each of these concerns, as well as others which we have described, are issues China’s new social workers will confront as they move into work with migrant populations. The Chinese government has identified the floating population of migrants as an area for research and policy development. By leading the way on research, policy, and intervention development for the migrant population, China’s social workers have a chance to demonstrate the value of their profession. Specifically, the work with China’s migrant population has the potential to highlight the critical role of social workers as advocates as well as the social


worker’s ability to span boundaries in settings such as schools and health care facilities. This article demonstrates the usefulness of visual methodology for understanding the lived experiences of a migrant population. Our experience suggests that giving participants control over what they talk about with researchers helps to make study participants quickly feel comfortable talking with researchers and others about deeply important issues in their lives. As a whole, qualitative methods privilege participants’ points of view over researcher-driven inquiry, and visual methods have particular strengths within this larger tradition. By choosing what picture to take and how to talk about that image, a participant has an exceptionally high degree of control over the conversation. We do not advocate visual methods as a replacement for other qualitative or quantitative methods but do want to emphasize the utility of visual methods in engaging and partnering with vulnerable populations in research and intervention development. As an engagement strategy, image-based methods such as Photovoice show promise in enabling clients to influence and shape the interventions that are directed to them. As a participatory research method, visual methods give depth and specificity to survey data as well as narrowing the topics that should be covered by survey methods. In fact, this project was a springboard for a survey currently underway in Village T. Further, these types of investigations enable intervention researchers to quickly move from gathering data to developing and implementing interventions. Based on what we learned from this group of mothers, multiple interventions can be (and have been) put in place and are now ready for tailoring and testing. This article reports on one of, it not the first, Photovoice investigation to integrate textual analysis with researcher instigated visual analysis of participant-generated photographs. If done carefully, this innovation provides a means for learning more from the visual nature of a Photovoice project. From our experience, any instance in which a researcher is imposing codes and themes on participant-generated photographs should not be published without reviewing and verifying those themes with participants. We have provided some basic information gleaned from specific analysis of the photographs in this article. This promising technique can likely yield additional, nuanced information as the analytic strategies are developed and refined. In addition to these strengths, this analysis is limited in its generalizability by the qualitative nature of the findings. We cannot assume that what we have learned from this small group of mothers translates to all migrant communities in China or to the whole of

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Village T. We have made every effort to enhance the rigor of our findings and member-checked our interpretations of what we observed in the group discussions and what we read in the transcripts. Other limitations of our approach derive from the group format and the extreme level of control given to participants over the discussion in this approach. It is almost certain that issues exist that were not covered or were not covered in sufficient detail because mothers did not take photographs that spoke to every issue of concern. Further, the group format might have inhibited discussion of sensitive topics. Moreover, areas or issues that are critical to well-being may not be discussed or depicted because mothers may not consider them pertinent to the chosen photo prompt. These limitations speak to the need for multiple methods to be used to understand complex experiences.

Authors Note Mimi V. Chapman is an associate professor in the School of Social Work, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Meihua Zhu is a professor in the Department of Social Work at East China University of Science and Technology: [email protected] Shiyou Wu is a doctoral student in the School of Social Work, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill: [email protected] Correspondence regarding this article should be addressed to Dr. Mimi V. Chapman, School of Social Work, University of North Carolina, 325 Pittsboro St. CB 3550, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3550 or via e-mail to [email protected]

Conclusion Our work with mothers in Village T reminds us of the extreme risk and hope inherent in migration journeys both in China and across the planet. As social workers in China strive to promote the well-being of the floating population, social workers in other countries are also challenged to maintain and enhance their focus on migrant and immigrant groups. As countries across Europe and North America work to incorporate immigrants and refugees, social work researchers and practitioners have a crucial role to play in helping migrants to tell their stories to people who have power to make needed changes on their behalf. Data that comes alive through photographs as well as other visual means might have particular power to make needed changes come about quickly. Together with other forms of data and analysis techniques, visual methods can help create detailed and nuanced data portraits needed to rapidly create testable interventions and policy solutions. The mothers of Village T have been our best teachers throughout this project. Through their eyes, we have learned what it means to leave a known life and strive for something more. We have seen their dedication to caregiving and to traditional Chinese values around family and child-rearing, even as fulfilling these commitments becomes difficult. Yet, what resonates most strongly is their embodiment of the hopes held by migrant parents across nationalities and ethnicities. The mothers of Village T do have “grand plans,” for themselves and their children and are willing to work as hard and as long as necessary to achieve their plans.


Acknowledgements The project described was supported by the Armfield-Reeves Innovation Fund of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Social Work. The authors wish to thank the mothers of Village T for sharing their stories and experiences with us. We also wish to thank the social workers from Village T who assisted in facilitating the research and translating for the first author. References Abbot, E. (1936). The tenements of Chicago, 19081935. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Bell, P. (2004). Content analysis of visual images. In T. Van Leeuwen & C. Jewitt (Eds.), The handbook of visual analysis. (pp. 10-35). Sage. doi:10.4135/9780857020062.n2 Carlson, E. D., Engebretson, J., & Chamberlain, R. M. (2006). Photovoice as a social process of critical consciousness. Qualitative Health Research, 16(6), 836-852. doi:10.1177/1049732306287525 Collier, M. (2004). Approaches to analysis in visual anthropology. In T. Van Leeuwen & C. Jewitt (Eds.), The handbook of visual analysis. (pp. 3561). Sage. doi:10.4135/9780857020062.n3 De Heer, H., Moya, E. M., Lacson, R., & Sheldin, M. G. (2008). Voices and images: Tuberculosis photovoice in a binational setting. Cases in Public Health Communication and Marketing, 2, 5586.Retrieved from http://sphhs.gwu.edu/departments/pch/phcm/cases journal/volume2/index.cfm

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Submitted: July 17, 2013 Revision submitted: September 26, 2013 Revision submitted: October 19, 2013 Accepted: October 19, 2013 Published online: November 21, 2013 Correction made November 25, 2013

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