further information about this issue see for example Harry J. Benda. q& Cresant
arul the !/{isi"ll .... Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim, 1957), p.
l53. 23 See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A.Wahid Hasyim: Rantai Penghubung
Peradaban ...... Mitlik 'Eastern anâ Intfo~n (jtrchipefago) 'Ufama in tk 17t1î ana
18t1î.
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KYAI HAJI ABDUL WAHID HASYIM:
ms CONTRIBUTION TO MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORM AND TO INDONESIAN NATIONALISM DURING THE TWENTIETH
CENTURY
by Achmad Zaini
• A thesis submitted to the Institute of Islamic Studies Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research, McGill University in partial Fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts
•
Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University JuIy 1998 cg Achmad Zaini
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0-612-43975-5
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ü
•
ABSTRACT
Author Titles of thesis
Department Degree
: Achmad Zaini : Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim: His Contribution to Muslim Educational Refonn and to Indonesian Nationalism during the Twentieth Century : Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University : Master of Arts
This thesis studies Wahid Hasyim's contribution to the development of the traditional education al institution (pesantren) and bis involvement in poIitical affairs during the colonial era and following independence. Although he grew up in traditionalist circles, his experience studying at this institution and in Arabia, in conjuction with bis wide reading on various subjects, gave him an open attitude to innovation, particularly in
•
the field of education. The backwardness of pesantren graduates in mastering secular sciences.. compared to those who graduated from the Dutch schools.. inspired
mm
to
modernize the pesantren system. The introduction of the madrasah into the pesantren system, an institution designed to offer courses in the secular sciences as weIl as on Islam, was evidence of his progressive aim to enhance the quality of Muslim education, and the traditionalist version in particular. In the political arena.. he played a significant role in the struggle for independence and the development of modem Indonesia. Known as a prominent leader who had a close contacts with kyais through the pesantren network, he was able to mobilize Indonesian Muslims against colonial mIe. His moderate attitude, which colored bis political behavior, was vital to efforts al achieving compromise and at
•
bridging the differences between traditionalists on the one band and modernists as weil as secuJar nationalists on the other.
,r
•
iii
, Auteur Titre du mémoire
Département Diplôme
Résumé
: Achmad Zaini : Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim: Sa contribution à la réforme de l'éducation musulmane et au nationalisme indonésien durant le vingtième siècle. : Institut des Études Islamiques, Université McGill : Maîtrise ès Arts
Ce mémoire porte sur la contribution de Wahid Hasyim au développement des institutions d'éducation traditionelle (pesentren) ainsi que sur son implication dans les affaires politiques depuis l'ère coloniale et suivant l'indépendance. Malgré que Wahid Hasyim a
•
grandi au sein des cercles traditionnels, en plus de sa vaste érudition couvrant une variété de sujets, son expérience académique acquise dans les pesentrens et en Arabie l'a doté d'une attitude favorable à l'innovation, tout particulièrement dans le domaine de l'éducation. Le retard des gradués des PeSentrens dans la maîtrise des sciences séculières face aux gradués des écoles néerlandaises ont inspiré à Wahid Hasyim de moderniser le système des pesentrens. L'introduction dans la système des pesantrens de la madrasah,
une institution destinée à
l'enseignement des sciences séculières et de l'Islam, fut une .preuve de sa diligence à améliorer la qualité de l'éducation musulmane, particulièrement son aspect traditionnel. Dans le domaine politique, Wahid Hasyim a joué un rôle significatif dans la lutte pour l'indépendance et le développement de rIndonésie moderne. Au sein du réseau des pesentrens et considéré comme étant un leader important ayant des contacts étroits avec les lcyais, Wahid Hasyim a pu mobiliser les musulmans indonésiens contre le pouvoir colonial. À l'intérieur
•
iv du processus qui a mené à la formation de l'état indonésien, l'attitude ainsi que les comportements politiques modérés de Wahid Hasyim furent essentiels aux efforts de compromis et d'unification des différences entre les traditionalistes et les modernistes, ainsi que les nationalistes séculiers.
e·
v
TRANSLITERATION For Arabie names and Islamie terms, the writer follows the system of Arabic transliteration employed by the Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University. Indonesian terms are written according to the ~8JUl Daru Bahasa Indonesia (1972), but the titles of books and articles will appears as they are quoted. The following is a transliteration table of Arabic alphabet.
~
'-:J ü
--
,
=b =t
~=th
= r
J
t = gh
= U'" = S
J=q
~= sh
~
j
Z
[ =j ( = 11
00 =
t
= kh
ob
.1
=d
~
.1
= db
(jG
=
lo..Î=f
~
J
4
f"
=~ =~
t = '
=k =1 =m
u = n .J
=w
... = h ~
=y
To indicate long vowels of ï .; Cs these are typed by placing a macron above characters: i, Ü, i.
TIte ta' marbutah ( 0 ) is translated as "ah" rather than "a", Lg., than bid'll or madrasah rather than madrllSll.
bid~ rather
vi
•
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 1would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks and indebtedness to Dr. Howard M. Federspiel, my supervisor, who has opened my eyes to the critical analysis of sources used in this work. His careful evaluation, scholarly suggestions and above all kindness and persona! interest were of great assistance to me in the completion of this research. 1wish ta express my gratitude to the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) for providing me with a scholarship to study at McGill University during the past two years. 1 would like aIso to express my sincere thanks ta Dr. A. Üner Turgay, the Director of the Institute of Islamic Studies, and to the Directors of the McGill-Indonesia
•
IAIN DeveIopment Project (Dr. Howard M. Federspiel and Wendy Allen) and its staff bath in Montreal and Jakarta for the facilities they provided in support of my studies. My gratitude also goes ta the the staff of the Islamic Studies Library, McGill University, especially to Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas, and ta the staff of the Comell University Library, for helping me to obtain needed materials. 1 am grateful to Steve Millier who bas read and edited the tirst draft of tbis work. My thanks must aIso go ta the Minister of Religious Affairs, who gave me the chance to pursue my studies at the Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, to the Rector of the Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Sunan Ampel and ta the Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Education who allowed me to take a leave of absence to study in Montreal.
•
1would like to thank everyone who bas contributed to the accomplishment of my thesis, but especially Sahïron, Inna Muthmainnah, and Andi Nurbaethy for their
vii
•
assistance and brotherhood during my stay in MontreaL Finally, my thanks, which cannot
be expressed in words, are due to my parents and sisters, and particularly to my wife, Siti Maftuhatin, all of whom encouraged me ta finish this program.
Montreal. July 7. 1998 Achmad Zaini
•
•
"1" TABLE OF CONTENT
Abstract
ii
Résumé
iii
Transliteration
'
Acknowledgment
vi
Table of content
viii
Introduction
1
Chapter 1: A Biographical Sketch of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim
10
A. His Life and Early Education
Il
B. His Writings
32
Chapter 2: K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Islamic Educational Refonn A. Educational Systems in Indonesia during the Colonial Period: A General Overview
B. Reformation ofPesantren Tebu Ireng as a Pilot Project of Modemization of Pesantren Educational System C. Educational Change during bis Tenure as a Minister of Religious Affairs
Chapter 3: K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Political Activities
~'
v
37
38
54
67
73
A. During the Dutch Colonial Period
73
B. Under Japanese Occupation
86
C. After Independence.
1Q4.
Conclusion............... Bibliography
114 119
•
INTRODUCTION
There can he no doubt that the early twentieth century was a time of intense social, religious, educational and politicaI changes in the Indonesian archipelago. These changes were inspired not ooly by secular nationalist leaders 1 but aIso by Muslim nationalists who were themselves later to split into different groups: Muslim modemists and Muslim traditionalists. 2 The rise and development of the movements associated with these events, including the raIe of their leaders, have been studied by bath Indonesian and Western scholars, such as Noer,3 Alfian,4 Affandi,s Benda6 and Federspiel. 7
•
1Many secular nationalist leaders took a great part in the national movements, such as Dr. Wahidin Sudiro Husodo, the founder of Budi Utomo which was considered as the first modem organization that led to an independent Indonesian nation-stale; Ki Hajar Oewanlara, the pioneer of Taman Siswa school system; Soekarno, the great leader of Partai Nasional Indonesia. who then became the first President of the Republic of Indonesia. For a detailed infannatian see Bernhard Dahm, :Jtrstory of lTufonesia in the tTwentietlî Cen.tury (London: Praeger, 1971).
The terms Muslim modemist and Muslim traditionalist recognize the efforts of refanners, such as Ahmad Oahlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah; A. Hassan, the leader of Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union) and Ahmad Syurkati, the inspiratar of Al-Irsyad, who introduced modernist views inta the debate on the raie of Islam in Indonesia. The refonn movement was initially propagated by lamàl al-Din Afghani, Rashid Ri4a and Mu~ammad •Abduh, who invited people to retum to the teachings of the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet without referring to four Medieval schools of law (TIfIlIfIiifub) and to make use of scientific advances of modem (Western) leaming which was believed can increase Islamic civilization. These ideas were rejected by traditianalist 'ufami' led by Hasyim Asy'ari, the founder of the Nahdlatul Ulama who still maintained the principle of accepting and refening ta the 9tltuUiiIii6 to solve any kind of socio-religious problems. See. M. C. Ricklefs, jl !J(istory of Motfem lnâonesia Sina c..I3W (London: The MacMillan Press. 1981) p. 160; However, although they had different points of view in terms of religious affairs, they played a key raie during the colonial period in organizing society to fight colonialism. Moreover, the charisma of the ,~ in the society seems to have been higher and more appreciated than that of secular leaders. For further information about this issue see for example Harry J. Benda. q& Cresant arul the !/{isi"ll Sun: lrufonesian lsfam urufu tIie Japanest. Oa::upation 1942-1945 (The Hague and Bandung: W. van Hoeve, 1958); Hans Antlov and Sven Cederroth. eds., ûatfe:rs/iiponJava(Surrey: Curzon, 1994). 2
•
3 Deliar Noer, t1/œ Motlemist Muslim ~ovement in lrufonesia, 19lXJ.1942 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1973).
2
•
Most of these scholars have paid particular attention to the emergence of secular nationalist and Islamic modernist rnovernents; very little interest however has been shown in the socio-political evolution of Muslim traditionalists. 8 It may be that the former were assumed to represent a dynamic outlook, essentially pragmatic and adaptable, wbile the latter were always viewed as having a negative attitude toward all forros of (Western) innovation and its leaders considered very resistant to accepting anything new. Geertz, an American anthropologist who introduced the three variants of san tri,
a6angan and pri!Jayi to Javanese social categorization, is typical of this negative attitude in bis
depiction
of the
traditionalists.
'4
Anti-modemismtt
and
"contra-reformist
organization tt are but two of the ways in which he describes the traditionalists when contrasting them with the so-called '4 modemisttt camp.1l Deliar Noer, who can be considered as representative of the modernist outlook,
•
aIso tended to be biased in bis account of the traditionalist position. Although he describes the traditionalist figure as bath orthodox and conservative, he bas contributed to the misunderstanding of traditional Islam by insisting that the traditionalists maintain
~ Alfian, "Islamic Modemism in Indonesia Politics: The Muhammadiyah Movement during the Dutch Colonial Period (1912-1942)" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969). 5 Bisri Affandi, .• Shaikh Ahmad Syurkati: His Role in the AI-Irsyad Movement in Java in the Early Twentieth Centurytt (MA thesis, McGill University, 1976). 6
Harry J. Benda, lJ1it Crescent
ana tne 1{isintJ Sun:
lrufonesian Isfam untfu
tne Japanese
Ocalpation 1942-l!J45. 7 Howard M. Federspiel, Persatulm lslàm: IsCamic 1{tfOnn in Twentietli Century lrufonesia (lthaca: Comell University Press, 1970).
8 Martin van Bruinessen~ IJ{fl 'Tnufisi, 1{dJJsï-refasi XUJlSa, Peru:arian Wacana 1Jaru (Yogyakarta, LK.iS~ 1994), p. 7.
•
See Clifford Geenz, '4The Javanese Kijaji: the Changing Role of a Cultural Broker,tt Comparative Stu4îes in Society aruf 1fisto'!/I 2. 228-49; idem, lJ1it 1{efiaion ofJava (nlinois: The Free 1)
Press ofGlencoe, 1960).
3
•
taqtùl(blind acceptance) and indulge in tarekatpractices which border on smrk(heretics).l0 However, Bruinessen points out that the modernists' tlUffitfof the paradigms of modernist figures, such as l:Iasan al-Banna and Mawdùdf: is far more rigid and inflexible than the traditionalists' taqlùl with respect to the four 11UlJJilia6s on the application of religious 11
teachings. This attitude is reflected in the helief that a decision arrived at in the Majlis Tarjih ':! of the Muhammadiyah, for example, is final, one that its members are expected to obey. Otherwise tbey would he considered to have rejected the Qur'ân and the Prophet's tradition. This, however, means that the decision does not give an opportunity to the Muhammadiyah members to perform ijtihitl
13
individuaIly. On the contrary, tbis
approach never gained currency in traditionalist circles. Even though the centrai board of the NahdJatul Ulama may take a decision on a matter, its members, particularly the Ruais, still have the authority to do ijtihitl by themselves, and not follow the central board's
•
decision. While the modernists consider their ijtihia as being in Hne with the slogan ·~Back
to the Qur'art and the Sunnah," Rahman regarded it as a literai understanding of
the ijtilûitf of the earHest tufami' ( tufami' al-safaf, 3rd century of Islam), which was revived by the Wahhabists, including ffasan al-Banna and Mawdücfi.
14
Thus it is not an
exaggeration when Wahyudi says that .• such [Indonesian] reformist organizations as the
Deliar Noer, HThe Development and Nature of the Modemist Movement in Indonesia," in Ahmad Ibrahim et al... !R...eatfines on lsfam in Soutfieast Jtsia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), p. 117-118. 10
Il
Martin van Bruinessen, ?lU 'Tnuiisi, ~-refasi X"uasa, Penat1ÛZn Wacana 'Bani, p. 12.
12 Majlis Tarjih is the highest authoritative board of Mnhammadiyah whose task is ta solve any socio-religious matters.
13
•
IjtiM4 is reinterpretation of religions concept according to the needs of time.
Fazlur Rahman, uRevival and Refonn in Islam," in P. M. Hait, Ann K. S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis.. eds., ~ CarnDrüfae 1fistory of Isfam, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University 10&
Press..
1970),p.63~640.
4
•
Muhammadiyah, Persatuan Islam and Al-Irsyad" imposed ~~ a Wahhabi-oriented fùJli." 15 Azhar Basyir, a former chainnan of the Muhammadiyah, even criticized the literai understanding of this slogan, by proposing that it be approached from a phiiosophicai standpoint. 16 As for the matter of taT~t practices, Dhofier points out that Noer, and the
modernists in general, fail to understand the meaning of tare(.at as it is defined by traditional tufami The term is defined by them as meaning "a tight obedience toward 1 •
sgaii a/i." 17 Thus to practice 1
tare~tteachings, they have to ohey God's order as contained
in the Qur' an and IjatÛtft. Therefore not having done enough research on the pesantren institution, Noer and other modemists are not really qualified to pronounce on what constitutes the uniqueness" of the traditional 'ufami1 and their institutions. U
Benda and Wertheim, who aIso use the terms
•
~~conservative"
and "orthodox" in
describing the traditionaIists, seem only to have adopted the language already imposed by the modernists. Indeed, judging by their sources, it cao be seen that most Western scholars base their analysis, to a great extent, on modernist interpretation. [n Dhofier's own words, ~~ most sources interpretative material that non-Indonesian scholars rely on for their analyses are modemist in arigin." la This is understandable because the modemists had already cammitted their ideas ta paper over the previous three or four decades, rendering their ideas more accessible. The traditionalists on the other hand still relied on oral transmission in this period. Of course it is aIso undeniable that the traditionalists
an anâPliifosopmcal
Yudian Wahyudi, Introduction," in Yudian Wahyudi, ed., tIfie Qp.r1 1{efkctions (Yogykarta: lndonesian Academie Society XXI, 1998), p. ii. 15
16
17
U
Yudian Wahyudi, .~ Introduction," p. iL Zamakhsyari Dhofier~ trratlisi Pesantrm: Stutfi tentana Patufanean :Jlùfup 'lQIai (Jakana:
LP3ES, 1985), p. 136.
•
Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditional Ideology in Jav~" (Ph. O. dissertation, Monash University~ Melbourne, 1980), p. xii. 1&
5
•
lacked the academic skill necessary to fonnulate traditionalist ideas in written fonn. Ali this is to explain why Western scholars received information from one stand point, namely that of the modernists. Furthermore, with regard to the involvement of the traditionalists in the national movement, von der Mehden neglects their contribution when he says: the influence of U
Nahdlatul Ulama on the national movement was more negative than positive."
19
It is clear
that the author was not fully aware of the involvement of the NU in this process, including its contribution during the colonial and revolutionary eras. Again it seems that he was persuaded by modernist interpretations to take a negative view of the traditionalist contribution in this field. This stereotype of the traditionalist movement and its leaders, therefore, needs reassessment. In fact, there were many traditionalist leaders who had a broad-minded
•
attitude and who were as adaptable toward innovation as their counterparts among the secular and Muslim modemist leaders. One example was Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim. As a prominent leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama, one of the signatories of the Jakarta Charter and the Minister of Religious Affairs of the fledgling Republic of Indonesia from 1949-195 1,20 he played a significant raie in encouraging Muslim educational refonn and nationalism in Indonesia during the colonial period and after independence. Evidence of ms open-minded attitude was apparent as early as bis return from studying in Mecca, when Wahid Hasyim tried to change the curriculum in the pondok pesantren, in an effort to improve the educational methods employed in these institutions. He believed that the limitations of the pesantren fay with the concentration on instruction 19 Fred R von der Mehden, 1{efitJion aruf 9{[ltiotUlÛ5m in Soutlieast Ma: f}Ju17TUl, lnâonesia, ~ PliiBppirœs(Madison: the University of Wisconsin Press, 1968). p. 138 and 202.
•
20
754.
See "Nahdlatul Ulama/' in J:4..siK..on Isfam, vol. 2 (Jakarta: Pustazet Perkas~ 1988), p.
6
•
ll
in the Islamic sciences to the complete neglect of 'secular' sciences. Like many other educational reformers of his day, Wahid Hasyim suggested that pesantrens should provide instruction in both Islamic and 'secular' sciences. 22 Although initially he was criticized by many (u/ami for trying to mix sacred teaching with profane learning which J
they found wrong and unnecessary, he was ultimately successful in having many of bis colleagues recognize the value of the change. In addition, he was responsible for the establishment of many Islarnic institutions, such as the PGA (Pendidikan Guru Agamalthe State Educational Training for Religious Teachers (1950) and the PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri/the State Institute of Islamic Studies (1951», which later on became the Institut Agama Islam Negeri (1AIN).23 His identification with nationalist movements began when Wahid Hasyim, together with other secular and Muslim leaders, fonned the Kongres Rakyat Indonesia
•
(Congress of the Indonesian People), which called for an Indonesian parliament in 1941. 24 Regarded as one of the most capable leaders of bis generation by many of those prominent in the nationalist movement, he was appointed to be one of nine members of PPK.I (Prepatory Committee for Indonesian Independence) which produced a famous agreement between secular and Islamic nationalists, called the Jakarta Charter, in 1945. 25 His appointment caUs into question von der Mehden's view that "the influence of :1 What l mean secular sciences here is non religious subjects, such as mathematics,
history. geography. foreign languanges, etc.
un 9(pranean tTusi4r (Jakarta:
Aboebakar Atjeh, Setfjarah. !JlWup ~ :Jl. ;t. U'anül:J{asyim Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim, 1957), p.l53. 22
23 See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A.Wahid Hasyim: Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban lndonesia Moderen," Prisrna 8 (1984): 78. 24 Harry
•
J. Bend~ tIJΠCrtscent aruf tIie. ~"8 Sun, p. 98.
25 See Saefuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945: A History of the Gentlemen's Agreement between the Islamic and the Secular Nationalists in Modem Indonesia" (MA thesis, McGill University, Montreal, 1976).
7
•
Nahdlatul Ulama on the national movement was more negative than positive."Z6 Wahyudi even deems the Muslim representatives in the Jakarta Charter, to whom Wahid Hasyim belonged, as constitutionally-oriented Indonesian Islamic legal reformists. Thus Wahid Hasyim, together with the modemists, was one of those Indonesian Muslims who trierl to make Islarnic law a part of the Indonesian Constitution. rr The objectives of this study are, therefore, to analyze the Muslim educational reforms and political activities of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim. It will devote particular attention to the following issues:
1)
the factor that influenced Wahid Hasyim to
launch Muslim educational reform; 2) the kinds of educational refoons undertaken by Wahid Hasyim; and 3) the involvement of Wahid Hasyim in political discourse during bis lifetime. In particular, this study attempts to show mat as leader of the NU, Wahid Hasyim demonstrated an advanced and modern approach to issues, one which placed him
•
on the same level as bis secular and Muslim nationalist counterparts in their struggle to achieve independence.
It is surprising that previous studies of Wahid Hasyim's career have failed to devote very much attention to bis efforts on behalf of educational reform and the nationalist cause. They have instead concentrated on bis career as a prominent figure in the Japanese and Republican periods.:I Even Bruinessen's study,!9 wbich is considered a comprehensive work in its depiction of the NahdlatuJ Ulama and its leaders, does Dot give a special attention to Wahid Hasyim's efforts. ZO Fred R von der Mehden, tR..,efigion anâ 'J.{p,tioruUism in Soutliust 5iIsia: '1lurma, lnaonuia, tIie P/iilippiltU, p. 138 and 202. 27 Yudian Wahyudi, '~Hasbi's Theory of Ijtiliiiin the Context of Indonesian !F"lli.," (MA thesis, McGill University, (993), p. 36-37.
•
28 See for example Saifuddin Zuhrl, "Segi-segi Manusiawi dalam Biografi Perjuangan K.H. Abdul Wahid Hasyi~" in Saifuddin Zuhri, "Kaleidoskop Politik di lndonesia, vol. 3 (Jakana:Gunung Agung, (982): 196-215.
29
Manin van Bminessen, NU. Tradisi. Relasi-relasi Kuas~ Pencaharian Wacana Baru.
8
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In approaching the subject matter, the writer will apply a historical method of analysis. To sorne extent, a comparative approach will aIso he employed to grasp the significance of the educational refonns introduced by Wahid Hasyim when examined in light of similar initiatives undertaken by Muslim modernists. This thesis will consist of three chapters, in addition to an introduction and conclusion. The flfSt chapter will offer a biographicaI sketch of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim, covering bis life, bis education, and his works, which represent the clearest expression of his religious and socio-political response. Chapter two will discuss Wahid Hasyim's efforts at educational reform. This chapter will he divided into sub-sections dealing with the
educational systems that existed during the colonial period, the
educational reforms proposed by Wahid Hasyim at Pondok Pesantren Tebu Ireng as a pilot project of modemization of pesantrens, and finally bis policies regarding education al
•
change during bis tenure as a Minister of Religious Affairs. In chapter three we will observe Wahid Hasyim's political activities during the Dutch colonial period, the Japanese occupation, and the era of Indonesian's independence. To complete this analysis, sorne religious as weIl as socio-political events bearing on Wahid Hasyim's activity will be examined. The sources of this study are divided into two categories: primary and secondary. The primary sources for this study consist in Wahid Hasyim's writings, most of which were compiled by Aboebakar and entitled SeJfjanm. "Wup
~
!Il.
jt
Wafiù[!Ji. 'an
X,.arangan Tersiar. This is an extremely rich source. Secondary sources consist of books and
articles written by both Indonesian and Western scholars, such as those of Sutjiatiningsih,30 Choiml ADam,31 Mahmud Yunus32 and Zamakhsyari Dbofier.33
•
30 Sutjiatiningsih, ~ :J(. 'WaIiùl1fasyim (Jakarta: Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumen Sejarah Nasional, 1984). 31 Choiml
ADam, PututnDulian âtln Per~angan 'J(afU{(atu! u/iuna (Sala: Jatayu, 1985).
9
•
Severa! of these sources, snch as Dhofier, Anam and Yunus, include sorne materials tbat may be considered primary sources, or paraphrases of those sources.
•
•
ii Intfonesia (Jakarta: Mustaka Mahmudiah,
32
Mahmud Yunus, Sejaran. Perufûf~an Isfœn
33
Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition."
1980).
•
CHAPTER ONE A Biographical Sketch of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim
Abdul Wahid Hasyim bas been succinctly described as
·~a
figure linking the
civilization of the pesantren to modem Indonesia."l A product of the pesantren world, having spent most of bis time in Tebu lreng (bis father's) pesantren, baving sojoumed at
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many other pesantrens and finally, baving pursued further studies in Mecca and elsewhere in Arabia, he brought a progressive and moderate attitude to the debate on national affairs, successfully bridging the differences between the traditionalists on the one hand and the modernists as weIl as secular nationalists on the other. This chapter provides a brief account of Wahid Hasyim' s life, dealing with bis childhood, education, family, pesantren activities and political career, as weIl as a survey of bis writings which were published in a variety of magazines and newspapers.
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IThis phrase was frrst coined by lamakhsyari Dhofier in bis article liKRA. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen," Prisma 8 (1984): 73-81.
Il
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A. His lüe and early education
Abdul Wahid Hasyim was barn on June 1, 1914, corresponding to RabI 'alAwwal 5, 1333 AH., in Jombang, east Java. 2 He was the son of the greatly respected 'âlim K.H. (Kyai Haji)3 Hasyim Asy'ari, the founder of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).4 His name at birth was Muhammad Asy'ari, his grandfather's name. Because he was ill as an infant, however, it was changed to Abdul Wahid, the name of one of bis great-
grandfathers. 5 During childhood, however, bis mother preferred to calI
mm Mudin,6 while
bis father' s san tris 7 called mm Gus Wahid. 8
2Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar (Djakarta: Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. K. H. A. Wahid Hasji~ (951), p.141.
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3Kyai is a title conferred by society upon Islamic religious scholars Culama') who hold a high level of Islamic knowledge from studying mostly at various pesantrens (traditional Muslim institutions) and from pursuing their study in Middle East countries, such as the Haramain (Meeca and Medina) and Cairo. They often have their own pesantren and act as its leader. In
addition, they aIso usually beeome leaders of the society, espeeially in rural areas where they enjoy the hODor and trust of their fellow-vil1agers. The tille is usually fol1owed by Haji (from Arabie al-ffajJ1 as most of them have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. See Howard M. Federspiel, uMuslim Intelleetuals in Southeast Asia: Tendeneies toward Parallel Development," a paper presented al the Conference on Islam and Society in Southeast Asia at Jakarta, lndonesia (1995), p. 3. Kyai Haji is usually used by 'ulama-' in Java, while in other pans of Indonesia. for instance in Aceh and Kalimantan or in Sulawesi, they are called Teungku and Tuan Guru or Guru respectively. 4Nahdlatul Ularna literally means uAwakening of Islamic Scholars." Established in 1926, it was a direct response to the modemist movement (Muhammadiyah) whieh was very mueh influenced by Wahhabist and reformist movements in Mecca and Egypt inspired by Muhammad 'Abdul Wahhiib, Al-Afghani and Muhammad ·Abduh. C.A.O. Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects of Islam in Post-Coloniallndonesia (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1967), p. 45-46.
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sAboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 141; H.A. Basit Adnan. Kemelutdi NU antara Kyai dan Politisi (Solo: Mayasari, (982), p. 42. It is common in Indonesia, particularly in Java for people to Dame their children after a great aneeslor in order to replieate the (atters expertise or power. However, if the child is continually siek, they change the name. For example, Sukarno (The tirst President of the Republie of Indonesia) and Ahmad Dahlan (the founder of the modemist movement, Muhammadiyah) both underwent this experience. The former' s first given Dame was Kusno, while the latter's was Darwis. See Pierre Labrousse, ·The Second Life of Bung Kama: Analysis of the Myth" (19781981), Indonesia, No. 57 (April, 1994): 179; Mukti Ali, "The Mubammadijah Movement" (MA thesis, MeGill University, (957), p. 28.
12
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The year ofWahid Hasyim's birth, according to Dhofier, was a significant one for the history of the Indonesian independence movement. 9 Basing his argument on Bernhard
Dahm's analysis, he points out that Budi Utomo 10 (Glorious Endeavor Society) and the Indische Partij, Il which are considered to have been the starting point for the establishment of modern organizations aimed at raising national awareness,12 had by that
6
Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.
141. The spread of Islam among Indonesians has brought about a combination of Muslim names
attached to native names like Mudin and Wahidin. The former is abbreviated from the Arabic word imam al-din which means a religious leader, while the latter was derived from Wa1#d aldIn.
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1The terms santri. priyayi and abangan were initially introduced by Geertz in picturing Javanese social categorization. The santrf is a Muslim purist. The priyayi is a member of the hereditary aristocracy which the Dutch, alter vanquishing the native states, tumed inta an appointed, salaried civil service. The abangan stresses the animistic aspects of Javanese syncretism and is broadly Iinked to the peasant element in the population. See Clifford Geertz,. The Religion of Java (London: The Free Press of Glenco, 1960). Geertz's thesis, however, has long been criticized because the variant priyayi cannot be contrasted with the santri-abangan but to the ··wong cilik." See for example Zamakhsyari Dhofier, USantri-Abangan dalam Kehidupan Orang Jawa: Teropong dari Pesantren," Prisma 5 (Juni, 1978): 64-65. 8S utjiatiningsih, K. H. Wahid Hasyim (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 198311984), p. 4. Gus is a prestigious tide entitled to the son of kyai. The word gus probably derives from the word bagus which means "the handsome one:' or gusti which means ..the Most respected." See also Mark R. Woodward, ··Conversations with Abdurrahman Wahid" in Mark R. Woodward, ed., Toward A New Paradigm: Recent Development in Indonesian lslamic Thought (Arizona: Arizona State University, 1996), p. 140..141. 9S ee Zamakhsyari Dhofier, HK.H.A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen": 73. IOSudi Utomo was established by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo (1857-1917) on May 20, 1908. For more detailed information see Akira Nagazumi,"The Origin and Earlier Years of the Rudi Utomo" (Ph.D dissertation, Comell University, 1967). llThe Indische Partij (Indies Party) was founded by the radical Indo-European E. F. E. Douwes Deldœr, known also as Setiabudhi, on September 6th, 1912 in Bandung. Roeslan Abdulgani, Nationalism, Revolution and Guided Democracy in lndonesia (Melbourne: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies Monash University, 1973)t p. 3.
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12It is still questionable whether Dr. Wahidin, Douwes Dekker or Haji Samanhudi (the foonder of the Sarekat Islam) can be considered to have been the first to promulgate a national mass movement; and whether Budi Ulomo, Indistje Partij or SI (Sarekat Islam) can he considered the fml political organization based nationalist mass-organization. The date of the former' s establishment, however, is officially celebrated by Indonesians today as Hari Kebangkitan
13
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time failed to became mass arganizations. It was true that since their establishment, Budi Utoma had attracted only about 10,000 members, while Indische Partij's membership numbered about 7,500. Theic failure to mobilize society was due in part ta the inability of Budi Utomo"s leaders to identify with the interests of the common people, and to the Indische Partifs pre-occupation with the interests of the Eurasian and Chinese communities, which mitigated its efforts in this direction. 13 Indeed, the first successful attempt at forming a mass organization was achieved by the SI (Sarekat Islam or !slamic Association).14 Prior to its establishment, there had
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Nasional or the Day of National Awakening and Wahidin is considered the father of Indonesian Nationalism. See Roeslan Abdulgani. Nationalism. Revolution and Guided Democracy in lndonesia, p. 1. Cf. to Anton Timur Jaylani, "The Sarekat [siam Movement: Its Contribution to Indonesian Nationalism" (MA thesis, McGill University, 1959), p. 27. 13Bernhard Dah~ History of lndonesia in the Twentieth Centllry (London: PaU Mali Press, (971), p. 38; Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara, A History ofthe East lndian Archipelago (Cambridge, Massachusetss: Harvard University Press, (943), p. 335. Many scholars, such as Christina Drake and Sartono Kartodirdjo, attribute the failure of Budi Utomo to become a mass movement to its practice of working on a purely cultural basis. Its social network was dominated by the Javanese people, especially by priyayi. See Christine Drake, National lntegration: Pattern and Policies (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989), p. 32; Sartono Kartodirdjo,
Pengantar Sejarah lndonesia Baru: Sejarah Pergerakan Nasional. dari Kolonialisme sampai Nasionalisme, 2 (Jakarta: Gramedia, (990), p. 105. For further understanding of the Eurasians community see Paul W. van Der Veur, "The Eurasians of Indonesia: A Problem and Challenge in Colonial History," Journal of Southeast Asian History, 9, 9 (September (967):191-207; Jean Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia. European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). The position of the Chinese had been economically strong since the establishment of the Dutch East Indian Company. The economic power of the Chinese in Indonesia at the beginning of the twentieth century was still increasing. See Azyumardi Ana. '1be Indies Chinese and the Sarekat Islam: An Account of the Anti-Chinese Riots in Colonial Indonesia," Studia lslamilca, vol. 1, no. 1 (April-June, (994): 25-53; see aIso George McTuman Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in lndonesia (Ithaca: Comell University Press, (952), p. 8-22.
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l~red R. von der Mehden,"Sarekat Islam," in John L. Esposito, ed., The Oxford Encyc/opedia o/the Modem lslamic Wor/d (New York: Oxford University Press, (995), vol. 3, p.475. See also Bernhard Dahm, History of Indonesia in the Twentieth Century, p. 3940. For
more comprehensive studies see Anton Timur Jaylani, "The Sarekat Islam Movement: Its Contribution to Indonesian Nationalism"; APE. Korver, "Sarekat Isl~" (Ph.O. dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 1982).
14
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existed the Sarekat Dagang Islam, founded by Samanhudi in 1911 which was essentially an organization interested in manufacturing and trade. 15 The following year, on September 10, 1912 to be exact, this association was re-constituted under the name Sarekat Islam with H. O. S. Tjokroaminoto l6 as its first head. The movement changed its outlook as weIl, concentrating on the issues of political and social advancement, along with its aider economic concerns. At the time of its formation, the organization had 4,500 members. Two years later, Le., by the time of Wahid Hasyim's birth, it boasted a membership of 366,913. 11 Von der Mehden remarks that there were severa! factors that led to the success of the SI in mobilizing the Indonesian people: There is littie doubt that the association did obtain many of its members because
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of its Islamic charaeter. A host of reasons can be assembled to expIain the drawing power of Islam, including an increasing interest in Islam as a religion, the association of the ratu adil (belief in a coming Messiah) with Tjokroaminoto and Sarekat Islam, the use of Islam as a national symbol by the leadership of the S.I., the reaction to missionary activities, the concurrence of religious and economic interests among the hadjis, and reactions to Dutch clerical policies. 18
ISM.C.Ricklefs, A History of Modem Indonesia Since c. J300 (Stanford, Califomia: Stanford University Press, (993), p. 166. l~or more detailed infonnation about H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto see Amelz, H.O.S. Tjokroaminolo: Hidup dan Perdjuangannja (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1952); M. Masyhur Amin, Saham HOS Tjokroaminoto dalam Kebangunan Islam dan Nasionalisme di lndonesia (Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, (983).
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l1Bernhard Dahm. Sukamo and the Struggle for lndonesian lndependence (Ithaca: Comell University Press, (969), p. 13. Bernhard Dahm, History of lndonesia in the Twentieth Century, p. 40.
18Fred R. von der Mebden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeasr Asia. 2nd ed. (Madison: the University of Wisconsin Press, (968), p. 41.
15
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Although the Sarekat Islam gained support from a smaII but infiuentiai Javanese middle class, Le., dokter jawas, teachers, merchants and lesser priyayis, and from a rural population which believed in the imminent appearance of the ratu adil, a Javanese Messiah, the most important factor that led to its success was the involvement of santri Muslims who consciously identified with the association. Indeed, the significance of the Islamic religious symbolisrn used by the association and the remarkable role played by
kyais cannot be underestimated. As a matter of faet, Islam, in the case of Indonesia~ was unquestionably an inspirationai factor in the emergence of Indonesian nationalism. 19
Kyais, community leaders who were recognized as having great power, even ta the extent of supematuraJ ability, 20 were easily able to mobilize the eommon people in the struggle
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for independence. 21 Sorne even took direct part in fighting and often led the revoit against colonial mie, such as in the case of the uprising of Diponegoro, a piaus prince from
l~eliar Noer even cl ai ms that "Islam was identical with [Indonesian] nationality"
because UNationalism in Indonesia started with Muslim Nationalism." See Deliar Noer, The Modemist Muslim Movement in lndonesia, 1900-1942 (Singapore; New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 7. It is true, to a great extent, that religion has been shown to stimulate the emergence of nationalism not only in Indonesia but also in other parts of the world. In the case of the emergence of the British nationalism, the Roman Catholic Church and Calvinism played a significant raie. Anton Timur Jaylani, ~'The Sarekat [siam Movement: Its Contribution to Indonesian Nationalism," p. 9-10. For a comprehensive discussion of the relationship between religion and nationalism see for examples Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia; Peter can Der, Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslim in lndia (Berkeley, CA: University ofCalifomia Press, 1994).
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2OAmong Indonesians and Javanese in particular, kyais are believed to have karomah (a man who is greatly loved by Allah) and to he sources of barakah (Allah' s blessing). Having 50ch ~power' , allows him to be a charismatic leader. See Zamakhsyari Dhofier. uKinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai," lndonesia 29 (April, 1980), p. 53. 21See Zamakhsyari Dhofiert Tradisi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai (Jakarta: LP3ES, L985). p. 96-97.
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central Java,22 or in thase of Haji Hasan Cimareme23 and Teungkoe Thji di Tiro from Aceh.24 In other words, Islam, during the colonial period, iospired virtually most anticolonial movemeots, while the kyais came to play a key motivational role in the events emanating from them. Furthermore, it was the pesantrens, where they taught on a daily basis, that became the centres of the struggle for independence. 25 The socio-political and religious situation at that lime may have had little meaning to other childreo, but it was of tremendous significance to Wahid Hasyim since his father, K.H. Hasyim Asy' arî, was a prominent and charismatic figure to whom everybody, even natiooalist leaders, such as General Suclirman 26 and Bung Tomo,27 tumed for advice
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00
~e war, known as the Java War, was waged From 1825 to 1830. See Justus M. van der Kroef, uPrince Diponegoro: Progenitor of Indonesian Nationalism," The Far Eastern Quanerly 8 (1949): 424-450. See also Karel A. Steenbrink. Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam di lndonesia Abad ke-/9 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984), p. 17-31; George McTuman Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, p. Il.
n See Cbusnul Hajati, uThe Tragedy of Cimareme: The Resistance of Haji Hasan to the Colonial Power in 1919," Studia lslamika, vol. 3, no. 2 (1996): 59-84. 2"Teungku Yakub Ismail, Teungkoe Thji di Tiro (Medan: Poestaka "Antara.," (945). 25Deliar Noer, "Islam dan Politik di Indonesia," Prisma, vol. 8, no. 8 (Agustus, (979): 8. 26General Sudinnan was a military leader in the revolutionary period. He used guerrilla taeties in bis bid to oust the Duteh. He visited Pesantren Tebu Ireng in Rama4an 1946. His purpose was to seek advice and to obtain a fatwa From K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari. Akarbanaf, Kiai Hasjim Asj'ari Bapak Ummat Islam Indonesia (lombang: Pondok Tebu Ireng, 1950), p. 46. For a comprehensive biography see Yusuf Abdullah Puar, Jenderal Sudirman, Patriot Teladan (J akarta: Yayasan Panglima Besar Sudinnan, (981), while to further understand his struggle see Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Genesis of Power: General Sudirman and the Indonesian Milirary in PoUties, /945-49 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1991), p. 91-129.
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27Imron Arifin, Kepemimpinan Kyai, Kasus Pondok Pesantren Tehu lreng (Malang: Kalimasahada, 1993), p. 80. Sung Tomo was the leader of the Surabaya 10 November Movement. By shouting the words Allahu Akbar continuously over the radio, he suceessfully inspired people to attack the Dutch and British forces that eame to Indonesia on November la, 1945 ta re-take Indonesia's independence by force. For a brief of his biography see Sulistina Sutomo, Bung Tomo: Suamiku (Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, (995).
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both religious and political issues. This was the situation in which Wahid Hasyim found himself at birth. Tracing his ancestry on both bis father' s and his mother' s sides, Wahid Hasyim belonged to a family with a long religious tradition, and this meant that he was to grow up in a very religious milieu. His mother, Nafiqah,28 was the daughter of Kyai Dyas, a wellknown 'alim at Pesantren Sewulan in Madiun,29 while on bis father"s side he was the descendent of well-respected 'ulamâ~. 30 His father, grandfather and great-grandfather were all Islamic scholars who devoted their lives to the teaching and learning of religious doctrine and practice and who served ta inspire the establishment of many pesantrens in Java. K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, Wahid Hasyim's father, was himself the founder of Pesantren
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Tebu Ireng in Jombang, while bis grandfather, K.H. 'Asy'ari, was aIso the founder of Pesantren Keras in Jambang. Mareover, bis great-grandfather, Kyai Usman, was recognized not only the founder of Pesantren Gedang, which was established in the thied quarter of the nineteenth century, but aIso as the persan who introduced the sufi Naqsabandiyah order ta east Java, especially to Jombang at that time. 31
28Nafiqah was the third of seven wives married by K.H.Hasyim Asy'ari. See Solichin Salam, K.H. Hasjim Asj'ari Ularna Besar lndonesia (lakana: Djaja Mumi, 1963), p. 38. 2~on Arifin, Kepemimpinan Kyai: Kasus Pondok Pesantren Tehu lreng, p. 81. 30
Aboebakar Atjeh t Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 55-
63. 3tSee Martin van Broinessen, Tarekat Naqsabandiyah di lndonesia, Survey Bistoris.
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Geografis dan Sosiologis (Bandung: Mizan.. 1992), p. 168. Abdurahman Wahid mentions that Kyai Usman's pesantren became the centre of the slifi order movement. See Abdurrahman Wahid, ··Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjang Hayat," in Humaidy Abdussami and Ridwan Falda, 5 Rais 'Am NaM/atul Ulama (Yogyakarta: LTN and Pustaka Pelajar, 1995), p. 70.
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Wahid Hasyim's father, K.H. Hasyim Asy' ari, 32 barn in 1871, was perhaps the most well-known 'àlim in the history of Indonesia. Not only was bis expertise in the Islamic religious sciences recognized, especially in 'ilm al-~ad;;h (Prophetie tradition),33 but aIso bis possession of supernatural power was acknowledged by many santris, all of wbich led them ta study at Tebu Ireng, Hasyim Asy'ari's pesantren. Even rus own former teacher, Kyai Kholil Bangkalan,34 frequented the pesantren ta attend bis lectures. Because of bis broad knowledge, Hasyim Asy'ari was given the title Hadratus Shaikh (Grand Islamic scholar),35 and was moreover recognized by many as a wali (saint). According to James Fox:
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If a learned kyai might still be considered as wali, there is one figure in recent Javanese history who would have been a prime candidate for the tole of walL This is the great scholar, Hadratus Shaikh-Kyai Hasbim Ash'ari [Hasyim Asy'ari] ...Possessed of knowledge Ci/ml and regarded as a source of blessing (barakah) by those who knew him, Hashim Asy' ari [Hasyim Asy' ari] becarne in bis lifetime the persona! centre of a network linking the leading kyais of pesantrens throughout Java. 36
32For a comprehensive biography see for example Lathiful Khuluq, "Kyai Haji Hasyim Asy'ari's Religious Thoughts and Political Activities (1871-1947)" (MA Thesis, McGill University, 1997); Akarhanaf, Kiai Hasjim Astari Bapak Ummat Islam Indonesia (Jombang: Pondok Tebu Ireng, 1950). 33Manin van Bruinessen,"Kitab Kuning and Pesantren: Maintenance and Continuation of A Tradition of Religious Leaming," Mizan, vol. 5, no. 2 (1992): 43. 34Kyai Khalil was a great 'a1im of Java and Madura at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. He can be regarded as the grand master of the kyai as he instructed many of the famous 'ulama', such as Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari, Kyai Wahab Hasbullah and Kyai As'ad Syamsul Arifin. Martin van Bminessen, Taremt Naqsabandiyah di Indonesia, Survey Historis, Geografis dan Sosiologis, p. 178.
3sH. A. Basit Adnan, Kemelut di NU antara Kyai dan Politisi, p. 3.
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36James Fox, ~'Ziarah visits to the Tomb of Wali, the Founder of Islam on Java," in M.C. Ricldefs ed., Islam in the Indonesian Social Context (Clyaton, Victoria: Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, (991), p. 30.
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Hasyim Asy' ari paid particular attention to the religious education of bis children, seeing this as a basic element in the formation of character. From his childhood, in fact, Wahid Hasyim was under bis father' s direct tutelage. Besides learning to speak Arabie in daily conversations with bis father, in addition to bis native Javanese, Wahid Hasyim picked up other religious sciences, especially Qur'anic recitation, aiter the dZllhur (aftemoon) and maghrib (sunset) prayers. Qur'aruc recitation is cornmonly taught in the archipelago as the ficst step in the pesantren curriculum, as has been the case sinee the establishment of the institution. 31 At the age of seven, Wahid Hasyim began to study classical Arabie texts-the socalled yellow book (kitab kuning). Among the works he studied were
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Fat~
al- Qarib
(Introduction to Elementary Islamie Law), Minha] al-Qawim (The Straight Path) and Mutammimah (Arabie Grammar),38 books whieh were usually regarded as suitable only
for senior students to read. These books, aceording to a survey done by Bruinessen, are actually used at thanawf (secondary) and 'a1f (advanced) levels,39 i.e., by students who bave attained the ages of thirteen to eighteen. He seems to have been a precocious child.
37See lamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Role of Qur'anic Schools in the Universalization of Basic Education in Indonesia." Mizan, vol. 5, no. 2 (1992): 13-14. See a1so B. J. Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modem lndonesia (Leiden: The Hague-Martious Nijhoff, 1982), p. 64. See aIso Mitsuo Nakamura and Setsuo Nishino, uIslamic Higher Education in Indonesia," Higher Education Policy, vol. 6, no. 2 (1993): 51.
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38Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K.HA. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 146; see also Sutjiatiningsih, K.H. Wahid Hasyim, p. 5. Fathu/ Qano and Minhajul Qawfm are books of jurisprudence (fiqh) in reference to educational purposes, while the Mutammimah is a work of instrumental sciences, ilmu a7tii, dealing with nahw (syntax). For further information see Martin van 8ruinessen, "K.itab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," BKITLV, 146: 226-269.
3!Martin van Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabie Script Used in the Pesantten Milieu," 226-269.
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Even though the pesantren was a fertile place for bis intellect, he found that he was interested in subjects outside the standard pesantren curriculum, which he acquired on his own through self-study. In this way he studied works of a popular religious and literary nature, especially those written in Arabic script. His appreciation of DIwan alShu'ara,~
a collecùon of Arabie poems, is one example of such self-study. Therefore, it
was not surprising that. by the age of twelve. he was able to read many Arabie books and to translate them into Javanese. These abilities were very useful for Wahid Hasyim whenever he substituted for bis father in the lecture hall (halaqah c1asS),40 particularly when K.H. Hasyim Asy' ari was ill. while at home he regularly taught his young brothers the work known as 'lzzi 41 in the evening.42
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In pesantren circ1es, it is not surprising that at a young age, a gus (the title given
to the son of a kyai ) should assist his father in teaching a pesantren's santris. As we see in the cases of K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari and Kyai Zainuddin for example, the former began to give lectures at the age of thirteen,43 while the latter had by the age of seventeen already taught and led the Pesantren AI-Huda in Garut.-w A gus is seen as qualified for such a task due to the fact that he usually receives special training from bis own father. Furthermore, he would normally pursue
ms studies al other pesantrens, and according to
4OHa/aqah is one of teaching methods applied in pesantren eircle. This will be broadly elaborated in chapter two. 41,Izzi deals with the subject of ~arf (infiection) and was written by 'Izzaddin Ibrahim az-Zanjâni. See Martin van Bruinessen, '4Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabie Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu." 241.
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42Aboebakar Atjeh,
Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.146.
43Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai," p. 53. 44zamakhsyari Dhofier. Tradisi Pesantren. Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai, p. 69.
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Dhofier, would receive special attention or tutorship from whichever kyai he studied under,
50
that bis knowledge and leadership achievements often surpassed those of other
. 45 santns.
The development of Wahid Hasyim' knowledge was always a priority in the eyes of bis father. When the latter felt that bis son had leamed enough from bim, Atjeh tells us, Hasyim Asy'ari sent him to pursue
ms education in other pesantrens whose kyais
had
expertise in specifie Islamic sciences. Thus wbile still a boy of thirteen, Wahid Hasyim left Pesantren Tebu Ireng and began his joumey to a succession of great pesantrens.46 The first pesantren that he visited was Pesantren Siwalan Panji in Sidoarjo, where K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, bis father, had studied. Vnder the guidance of Kyai HasYim and
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Kyai Chozin Panji, Wahid Hasyim leamt the works ffikam (Wisdom), Bidayah [al-
Hidayah] (First Step of Guidance), Sul/am al-Tawjiq (The Means of Good Fortune) and Tafslr al-Jala1ayn (Qur'anic Exegesis).47 He stayed al the pesantren for only 25 days,
4SZamakhsyari Dhofier, nKinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai," p.53. It is aIso believed that most gus are believed to be able to acquire ilmu laduni, that is, an ability to master various branches of Islamic knowledge without studying. In Dhofier's own words that "Gad has blessed gus with Islamic knowledge from the time they were bom." Nevertheless, kyais still urged their sons and santris to study hard because "nobody was born as an 'a7im." EvidentlYt kyais still strongly paid attention and gave special training to their sons, even to the extent of sending them to well-known pesantrens to pursue their education. This meant that to master knowledge, either a gus or ordinary people, have to exen great effort. zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren: Sludi lenlang Pandangan Hidup Kyai, p. 69-71. 46Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim p, 146.
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47Hikam and Bidtiyah discuss tasawwuf or mysticism. Sul/am al-Tawfiq is a book on jurisprudence (jiqh), and Ta/sir al-Ja/a1ayn is a work of Qur' anic exegesis. These books are used at 'a1i (advanced), thanawi (secondary) and ~ali (advanced) levels respectively. Martin van Druinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabie Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," 264-266.
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during the fasting month of RamaeJan.48 After finishing this program he returned to bis [ather's pesantren, Tebu Ireng. The following year, he traveled to many other pesantrens in Java on short visits, including to Pesantren Urboyo in Kediri, before returning to spend his time in self-directed study at Tebu Ireng. 49 Thus Wahid Hasyim's educationaI program consisted of study under bis father and more formal sessions with kyais in the institutions he visited. These sessions, including the RamaeJan program, which were an applied Corm of the halaqah
system~
usually consisted of reading the eotire texts of various classieal works and translating them either into Javanese or Malay. The program eould only be eonsidered finished if ail the set texts were read. To deepen their knawledge of the works
•
expeeted ta review them. It can he
assumed~
studied~
the students are
therefore, tbat Wahid Hasyim profited from
his studies with these kyais, and pursued them in more depth on bis return to Tebu Ireng through independent study. Although he had thoroughly
~mastered'
the Arabie language and script by tbis
stage, he had yet to encounter the Roman alphabet. This he began learning at the age of
48It is common even today that for pesanlren to offer a special program during Rama4an. Today, the govemment develops the program known as pesanlren ki/at, which covers the curriculum from elementary to high school.
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49yt seems that~ like other kyais in Jav~ Hasyim Asy'ari's purpose to send his son to sorne well-known pesantrens was so that he could become acquainted with many kyais from whom Wahid Hasyim could learn specifie subjects and gain a broader understanding of the teachingllearning process and the specifie subjects offered by those pesantrens. For funher information see Zamakhsyari Dhofier~ uKinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai." From his sojoum, eonseiously or not~ he profited in at least two ways that proved to he advantageous to him in the future. First, by familiarizing himself with the teaehingllearning process in various pesantrens~ he gained insight into the weaknesses of their edueational system, whieh helped him in developing solusions for that system when he decided to do so later on. Seeond~ his journey created bridges for him with many kyais, whom he laler enlisted as allies in mobilizing society to resist colonial mie, when he began to become involved in the anti-colonial movement.
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fifteen, but saon ~mastered' it as weIl.5o How he accomplished this we do not know. However, since Moh. Dyas, Wahid Hasyim's cousin, graduated from
ms
and came to
Tebu Ireng to study the religious sciences in 1925,51 it can be presumed that Wahid Hasyim initially learned the Roman script from
mm. It was after aIl Moh. llyas who fust
introduced ·secular sciences,' including the Roman script, to the santris of Tebu Ireng. Wahid Hasyim thereafter read widely, devouring not ooly a variety of books but aIso magazines and joumals written in Many languages, e.g., Indonesian, Javanese and Arabic. He subscribed to severa! joumals and magazines, not only from other regions within the archipelago but aIso from abroad, such as Penjebar Semangat (Spreader of Courage),
Daulat RaJ.:yat (The People Sovereignty), Pandji Poestaka (Standard Book), Umm alQura', Shaut al-Hijaz (The Voice of Hijaz), Al-Latha'if al- Musawwarah (The
•
Significance of Consultation), Kullusha'in wa al-Dllnya (Everything and the World) and
De Locomotif (The Train). 52 Wahid Hasyim' s latest skill aIso introduced
mm
to the ·secular sciences' and
other foreign languages, such as Dutch and English. In addition to independent study of those subjects and languages from Sumber Pengetahuan (The Sources of Knowledge: a
SOAboebakar
Aljeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.
146. S1
•
Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 83.
S2Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 146; see aIso Sutjianingsih, "K.H.A. Wahid Hasyi~1t p. 7. From his reading at least, it could be assumed that he gol a broader knowledge of social, economics, as weil as political movemeots oot only in Indonesia but also in other parts of the world. This assumption is based on the faet that most newspapers and periodicals reponed about those issues, for example De Locomotif was usually used by humanists ta spread the idea of humanitarianis~ Le., "the desire for greater local authonomy and improved condition for the indigenous peoples of the East India. See Robert van Neil, The Emergence of the Modem lndonesian Elite (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1970), p. 8. ri
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magazine in three languages),5J he aIso leamed these latter fronl Imam Sukarlan,54 Moh. nyas55 and others among his father' s santris. It is stated by Kyai ZeinS6 that "Kyai Wahid HasYim's knowledge of Dutch and English was acquired from Tebu Ireng's santris and self study. This was possible because Tebu Ireng's santris came not ooly from the village community but aIso from families that had themselves been educated in Dutch schools. As such, Wahid Hasyim was able to learo languages and politics from them. ,,57 Wahid Hasyim aIso registered himself as a member of a library in Surabaya. Unlike the other members who often read books based on their interests or needs, he read ail the books available in the library; it is even reported that he borrowed and read them in call-number arder. S8 But there is tittle definite information about this. It might be true that
•
he read ail the books available in the library because of their limited number, or that he merely reviewed them for content and read selectively. In short, through independent study, his knowledge soon extended from tafsrr (exegesis), ~adiih (the Prophet traditions)
* Sollmam Sukarian was a Taman Siswa teacher who came to the Pesantren Tebu Ireng to study religious sciences. Because of his mastery of Dutch, he was appointed to teach this language in the Madrasah Salafiyah, Pesantren Tebu lreng. Sutjianingsih, K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim,
p.6. 5~oh. Dyas was Wahid Hasyim's cousin. He studied at HIS (Holland Inlandsche
ScholenIDutch Native School) in Surabaya. During his studies, he leamed Dutch. After finishing, he came to Pesantren Tebu Ireng for further education. Together with Wahid Hasyim, he aIso helped K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari teach Dutch and the 'secular sciences" and to develop the institution. The latter issue will be further discussed in chapter two. 56Kyai lein was a former teacher of classical Islamic works at Pesantren Tebu Ireng at that time. S7This quote is from Irnron Arifin's Kepemimpinan Kyai, Kasus Pondok Pesantren Tehu
•
[reng, p. 82. 5s·'KH. A. Wahid Hasjim," in MPB. Manus et.aI., Tokoh-Tokoh BPUPKl, (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, (993), p. 93.
vol. 2
25
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and fiqh (Islamic law) to history, politics, naturaI sciences and philosophy.S9 This broad base of knowledge was a vital resource for him in teaching the pesantren' s santris and for giving public speeches. Like other santris who felt that they had leamed enough from their stay in the
pesantrens, and who were eager to pursue their higher education in the Middle East, and in Mecca in particuIar,6O Wahid Hasyim also chose to go there on pilgrimage and to further rus religious education at the same time.
61
Accompanied and guided by ms oIder
cousin, Moh. nyas, he traveled to Mecca in 1932 and stayed there for one year. With
~9Sutjiatiningsih. K. H. Wahid Hasyim, p. 7. This is quoted from Keterangan Tenulis K.H.Saifuddin Zuhri, Naskah Ketikan, p. 4.
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6OC. Snouck Hurgronje, who stayed in Arabia for one year (about half a year in Mecca and the rest in Jedda) in order to survey the Indonesian students' activities there, pointed out that it can be understood that Many Indonesian students went to Mecca because it was the international Muslim center, and moreover the intellecruai center of Indonesian Islam where they studied religious sciences from 'ulama' teaching in Masjid al-I-Jaram. See C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Laner Pan o/the 19th Century, tran. J. H. Monahan (Leyden: Late E J BrilI, (931). p.212; Martin van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning Pesantren dan Tarekat Tradisi·tradisi Islam di Indonesia, p.42. However, due to the changes introduced by the Saudi government, i.e., under the control of Wahhabi govemment and with the rapid increase of reformist movement in Egypt during the last decades of colonial period many Indonesian students went to Cairo for further education. Karel Steenbrink, ··Recapturing The Past: Historical Studies By IAIN-Staff' in Mark R Woodward, ed., Toward A New Paradigm: Recent Development in lndonesian lslamic Thought (Arizona: ASU Program for Southeast Asian Studies, 1996), p. 156.
61The tendency to go and study in Arabia, especially in Mecca, had actually existed since
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the seventeenth century. This is proved by the fact that there were many Indonesian students in the Middle East who became prominent figures in Mecca as weil as in Indonesia, such as Abdul Rauf Al-Sinkili, Muhammad Yusuf Al-Maqassari, Abd Samad Al-Palimbani and Muhammad Arsyad A1-BanjarL For more detailed information see Azyumardi Azra, "The Transmission of Islamic Refonnism to Indonesia: Networks Eastern and Malay-lndonesian Ularna in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries" (Ph.D thesis, Columbia University, (992). The tendency grew rapidly by the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, especially when the Suez canal was opened in 1870. It made for easier, cheaper and safer passage for those going on hajj. Karel Steenbrink, "Recapturing The Past: Historical Studies Dy IAIN-Stafftt p. L56. For more complete data on the number ofthose performing hajj see J. Vredenberg, "The Haddj: Sorne of its Features and FURetions in Indonesia." DTLV 118 (1962): p. 149 (appendix O. van der Meulen, "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its Importance ta the Netherlands East Indies./' The Asiatic Review 36
m;
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Moh. llyas, he studied tafslr, ~adiih, fiqh, ta~awwuf and other religious sciences
frOID
many shaykhs, such as Umar Hamdan and Abdul Wahab al-Khuqir. These 'ulama' taught religious sciences at the Masjid al-fJaram, a primary place of religious leaming in the holy city (Mecca).
62
From this explanation, it can be said that during bis stay in
Mecca, Wahid Hasyim pursued the study of religious sciences through the halaqah system under these prominent ·ulama'. On retuming home from bis stay in Mecca, he began his career as an 'a1im, joining the teaching staff at Tebu Ireng, his father's pesantren. He was appointed as bis father' s assistant, and bis tasks included ensuring the continuity of the teaching/learning process, answering letters connected with Islamic law, delivering sennons and attending
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academic seminars.
63
This was the usual pattern in the life of a gus for the return from
study in Mecca, for from representing a merely academic attainment, marked a rite of passage in which the gus was no longer simply a student of bis father, but was thereafter to he regarded as junior colleague learning the art of teaching and preparing himself to one day take bis father' s place as head of the pesantren. But he proved to he more than simply a reflection of bis father. He tried to reforD1ulate the purpose of study in the pesantren. He improved the pesantren' s teacbing methods and established a new model institution named the Madrasah
Ni~amiyah,
at
which 6religious, as weIl as 6secuJar' sciences were offered. He also initiated the founding of a library and established the IKPI (Ikatan Pelajar-Pelajar Islam or Union of Muslim
•
(1940): p. 588-597; Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda (lakana: LP3ES, 1986), p. 222223. 62Aboebakar Atjeh,
Sedjarah Hidup K.HA. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 86.
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•
64
Students) in 1936.
These development, which were unusual in the setting of the
pesantren, will he hroadly elahorated in the chapter two. In 1938 Wahid Hasyim began to become involved in national organizations. He
joined the Nahdlatul Ulama, a socio-religious organization led by bis father. He fmt hecame the secretary of the NU sub-branch (ranting NU) in Tjukir (Cukir] and then for a short time became the NU leader for the Jombang branch (district level). Two years later he was promoted to he a member of the NU's centrai board, in charge of the Department of Education (Ma'arij) in which he became widely known and where he propagated bis ideas to NU members in hopes of developing the pesantren' s curriculum and reorganizing the NU's madrasahs.65
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The rapid promotion of Wahid Hasyim in the socio-political organization at the national Ievel seems to he affected, at least, by two factors: family Hne and his own abilities. As a son of a prominent figure, bis father' s charisma and standing may have given bim the confidence to hold important positions in religious as weIl as politicai organizations either at the local or national leveIs. Hasyim Asy' ari' s agreement to promote rapidly Wahid Hasyim's position in the NahdlatuI Ulama can aIso he seen in the light that the former saw bis son as his representative who would give him truthful information, and could he easily contacted in anyoccasion. In addition, bis success was aIso due in part that as a gus, Wahid Hasyim can he considered as a kyai who was
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63uKH.
A. Wachid Hasjim," in MPB. Manus et.aI., Tokoh-Tokoh BPUPKI, p.93.
Abdul Wahid Hasyim," in Ensiklopedi Islam, vol. 5, (Jakarta: Ichtiar Bam Van Haeve, 1993), p. 163. 64I1KH.
28
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regarded as "having an authoritative presence on the local and the national scene; they are among the effective decision makers in the Javanese social system, not only in religious but also in political affairs.,,66 Wahid Hasyim's abilities in terms of organization and leadership was acknowledged by the traditionalist circle. It was obvious that upon bis retum from Mecca, he showed bis future sight and efforts for the development of the traditionalists, including the establishment of new educational system and the initiative of the establishment of youth organization. His success to implement bis ideas, at least, indicated bis competence to hold any positions in religious as weIl as political organizations. Again, both bis father's influence and Wahid Hasyim's abilities led him easily to hold a key position in religious, social and political organizations.
•
Although he paid considerable attention to the educational field, i.e., in the development of pesantrens and madrasahs, he was aIso concemed with the political situation at that time. This was particularly true with the end of Dutch power and the onset of the Japanese occupation. He began to involve himself in social and political organizations through wbich the Indonesian people demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the colonial status quo.
In 1940, Wahid Hasyim was appointed to be the president of the central board of the MIAI (Majelis al-Islam al-A'ia Indonesia or Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia), a federation of the existing !slamic organizations established in 1937, with the
•
6SAboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 161; See also Saifuddin Zuhri, Gurulcu Drang-Drang Pesantren (Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 19741), p.88.
66zamakhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Martiage Among the Javanese Kyai," p. 49.
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Muhammadiyah and the NU as its backbone.67 Together with GAPI (Gabungan Politik Indonesia or Indonesian Political Federation), a political federation established by the nationalist parties in 1939, the NU joined bands to forro the Kongres Rakyat Indonesia (Congress of the Indonesian People), which called for an Indonesia Berparlemen (an Indonesian parliament).68 At the end of the Dutch colonial period, Wahid Hasyim was asked by his father to return to Tebu Ireng to assist
mm in organizing the pesantren.69
However, soon after the Japanese troops came to Indonesia, Wahid Hasyim once again became involved in the struggle for indePendence. His deep commitment to the Indonesian struggle for independence from colonial rule and to the unification of the thousands of islands in the archipelago was amply
•
demonstrated by bis involvement in the BPUPKI's and later on in the PPKI's meetings 70 which resulted in the ramous agreement between secular and !slamic nationalists known as the Jakarta Charter (Piagam Jakarta). The involvement of Wahid Hasyim in the
political arena will be discussed more fully in chapter 3. Following independence in 1945, Wahid Hasyim, in collaboration with many lulama' from both ltraditionalists' and lmodemists' backgrounds, promoted the fml
67 Aboebakar
Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 315.
68See "'Kongres Rakjat Indonesia dan aksi Parlemen:' in Soeloeh, voL 20 (January, 1940): 4-7. See aIso Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, lndonesian Islam under the Japanese Occupation 1942·1945 (Netherlands: The Hague, 19581), p. 98. See also Saifuddin Zuhri, Kaleidoskop Politik di 1ndonesia, vol. 1 (Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1981), p. 60. 69'lK.
•
H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim," in Ensiklopedi Islam, vol. 5, p. 164.
7DaPUPKI is an abbreviation of Badan Penyelidik Usaha-usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (Investigating Committee for Prepatory Work for Indonesia Independence), while PPKI stands for Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (Committee for the Preparation of the Independence of Indonesia). Those committee members were representative of the nationalist, lmodemist' and ~traditionalist' leaders.
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Indonesian Muslim Congress or Mu'tamar limmat Islam in Yogyakarta. This congress resulted in the establishment of Masyumi (Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia or Consultative Council of the Indonesian Muslims), as the sole Islamic political party in Indonesia. Beside being appointed to the leadership of Masyumi, he was also appointed
Minister of Religious Affairs three cabinets (Hana, Natsir, Sukiman).71 Among his many contributions ta nationallife were his improvements ta the ministry, changing it from a colonial to a republican focus, his efforts at maintaining harmonious relations among different religious groups and his proposai for the establishment of various religious institutions, 5uch as Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri, which later on became
•
Institut Agama Islam Negeri (the State Institute for Islarnic Studies). When the NU under bis leadership decided ta withdraw from Masyumi and proclaim itself an autonornous Muslim political party in 1952, Wahid Hasyim gave up rus efforts at developing the NU at the national leveI. A year later, on April 19, 1953 to he exact, he was killed in a car accident while traveling ta Bandung ta attend an NU meeting.72 He was buried in bis home town, Jombang, East Java. He left bis wife, SoIihah, the daughter of Kyai Bisri Syamsuri,73 and six children behind mm. His oidest
71"Kyai Wahid Hasyim," in Leksikon Islam (Jakarta: Pustazet Perkasa: 1988), p. 754.
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72Panitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U., Tambah Us;a, Tambah Amal, Sedjarah Ringkas Nahdlarul ·Ulama., p. 85. 73Kyai 8ishri Syamsuri is known as the founder of Pesantren Denanyar. For his biography see Abdurrahman Wahid, "Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjang Hayat," pp. 59-104.
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son whom, named Abdurrahman ad-Dachil, but more popularly known as Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur, is now the leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama. 74 Although Wahid Hasyim passed away at the early age of 39, bis abilities in terms of leadership and organization, as weIl as bis qualities as an 'àlim were recognized and highly regarded by both his friends and bis opponents. When he heard of the death of Wahid Hasyim, Mohammad Natsir, who was a frequent target of Wahid
Hasyim~s
criticism between 1950 and 1953, showed his respect for the latter in bis statement Ua friend of mine passed away.,,75 !sa Anshory, a representative of Persis (Persatuan IslamlIslamic Union)76 in the MIAI said that Wahid Hasyim was a capable leader who was able to unite the different ideas of various organizations and who was a skilled
•
organizer who played ms cards intelligently during the struggle for independence. This was because he understood the goal of the struggle and saw it as weil from a wider perspective. 77 A later observer, Greg Banon, postulates that "perhaps if Wahid Hasyim had not been killed in an automobile accident in 1953 the situation might have developed differently.,,18 The postulate proposed by Barton might be true. From Wahid Hasyim's career, Barton might see him as a traditionalist who brought progressive ideas to the
14Abdurahman Wahid's brothers and sisters are ~ Aisyah, Sholahuddin Al-Ayyubi. Umar. Hadijah and Hasyim. H. A. Basit Adnan, Keme/ut di NU antara Kyai dan Pailtis;, p.4S. 1SZamakhsyari Dhofier, "KR.A. Wahid Hasyim Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen," p. 81. 76por a comprehensive view of Persatuan Islam see Howard M. Federspiel, 'The Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union):' (Ph. D. dissertation, McGill University, 1966). 77Aboebakar
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Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.
265-266. 78Greg Banon, "Indonesia's Nurcholish Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid as Intellectual 'Ularna': The Meeting of Islarnic Traditionalism and Modernism in neo-Modemist Thought,tt Studia Islamika, vol. 4, no. 1 (1997): 40.
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pesantren circle, and as the prominent mediator in the dialogue between the traditionalists
on one hand and modernists as weil as nationalists on the other. Later on, due to his efforts and sacrifices for his country during the revolutionary period and after independence, and for devoting bis life to socio-religious as weIl as political activities in the stnlggle against colonial domination, Wahid Hasyim was honoured by the government as a Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional (national independence hero), through presidential decree No. 206, dated 24 August 1964. 19
B. His Writings Wahid Hasyim was a pro li fic writer. Though he did not publish a single
•
monograph, he did write many articles conceming religion and education, as weIl as on socio-political issues, wbich were published in various magazines and newspapers. In general Wahid Hasyim' s writings can be classified under four major headings, Le., education, poIitics, the administration of religious affairs in Indonesia and religion. 8o
In the field of education, Wahid Hasyim paid close attention to the need for educational reform, i.e., education for children, the development of language skills, religious education (including the establishment of institutions of Islamic higher education) and the need for rational solutions to present day problems. Wahid Hasyim
79panitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U., Tamhah Usia Tamhah Amal, Sedjarah Ringkas Nahdlatul 'Ulatnll, p. 86. t
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80Aboebakar
Atjeh who compiled his writings classified them under eight major topies, Le. religion, politics movement, the struggle of Muslim people, education mystieism. ministry of religious affairs and revolution. See Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar p. 675-928. y
y
y
9
y
33 •
wrote an article entitled "Abdullah Oebayd sebagai Pendidik," (Abdullah Oebayd was an educator) to render his services. Basing bis writing an how Oebayd educated children, he pointed out that children have ta he trained from an early age ta use their abilities. It is very important ta accustom them ta rely on themselves and ta know their awn abilities", so that children will graw up with self-confidence and not easily give up on attaining their own goalS. 81 As regarded the development of language, Wahid Hasyim tried ta increase nationalism by encouraging the use of Bahasa Indonesia (the Indanesian language). In bis article .... Kemadjuan Bahasa, Berarti Kemadjuan Bangsa.... he called upon Indonesians to use their own language in daily conversation. This article was in fact written in respanse
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ta a trend that had been developing amang Indonesians ta use foreign languages, 5uch as Dutch and English in everyday life. The expressions "gaod moming" or ..goeden morgen" were more commonly heard in some parts of society than "selamat pagi." While he encouraged Indonesians ta study foreign languages, he did not want them ta abandon or forget their own tangue which was still in the process of heing developed. No one cauid accomplish this, he stressed, except the Indonesian people themselves. Ta underline bis views, he pointed ta the example of how Adolf Hitler and Neville Chamberlain demonstrated their pride in their respective languages. When the two held their famous meeting, each spoke in bis own vemacular, even though Chamberlain was fluent in
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81See Wahid Hasyim., UAbdullah Oebayd Sebagai Peodidik," In Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 791-795. This article was written for Soeloeh N.U. vol. 1,00.5 (Agustus, 1941).
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German, and Hitler in English. They left it to their interpreters to go through the motions of translating. 82
With regard to religious education, including the establishment of institutions of Islamic higher education and the need for a more intellectual approach to problems, Wahid Hasyim pointed out that the development of science cannot he accelerated by means of urevolution" as in politics; rather it can only he achieved through perseverance, patience and aver a long period. The key to developing Indonesia, according to him, was education, which consisted of three aspects, Le., the development of the rnind, the spirit and the body. What is important to note here is that for Wahid Hasyim, education was not simply a matter of developing the rnind' s or the body' s abilities and skills; he aIso
•
stressed the spirit, whicb could only be achieved through religious education. These tbree aspects of education, therefore, have to he taught in balance. 83
The establishment of a system of Islamic higher education, according to Wahid Hasyim, was one way to achieve such progress. When Wahid Hasyim delivered a speech in opening ceremony of the PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam NegerilState Institute for Islamic Studies), he stressed that science can only develop in an atmosphere of free thought, unencumbered by religion or politics. Thus, aIl human beings, but students in particular, must constantly think critically and pursue research. In addition he suggested tbat the establishment of a system of Istamic higher education should be followed by CQ-
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82Wahid Hasyim, ··Kemadjuan Bahasa, Berani Kemadjuan Bangsa," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar. p. 797-900. This writing was
published in Suara Ansor, vol. 4, no. 3 (Rajab: 1360).
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operation with other educational institutions, 5uch as schools of theology that were already established, and even hoped that such institutions could be merged. 84 Another field that attracted the attention of Wahid Hasyim was politics. He often commented on political issues, and tried to evaluate especially the contributions of Masyumi over the course of its short period of existence, to analyze the slow spread of Islamic teaching, the position of 'ulama' in Indonesian society, the possibility of the Muslim party winning in the general election, etc. 85 Generally speaking, in these articles, Wahid Hasyim tried to show the weaknesses of the government and political parties and suggested alternative ways of resolving the problems that faced the nation. In bis article uSiapakah J[Y]ang Akan Menang DaJam Pemilihan Umum J[Y]ang
•
Akan Datang?" (Who will he the Winner in the Next General Election?)86 for example, Wahid Hasyim strongly criticized political parties that still put their own interests above those of the nation. Seven years of independence, according to him, had not made Indonesians better off in terms of economic, political, social or religious welfare; in fact
83Wahid Hasyim."Pendidikan Ketuhanan," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 802-805. This is published in Mimbar Agama, vol. l, no. 5-6 (November-December 1950). 84 Although he hoped that the lslamic higher education and schools of theology could be integrated, Wahid Hasyim, however, did not designate a panicular institution to incorporate the two. Wahid Hasyim, "Perguman Tinggi lslam,tt in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.SOS-810; idem, uPerguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 812-818. Both articles are published in Mimbar Agama, vol. 1, no. 5-6 (November-December, 1950).
85Wahid Hasyi~ uMasjumi lima tahun," idem, ··Analis kelemahan penerangan lslam," Fanatisme dan fanatisme/' idem, uAkan menangkah Umat Islam Indonesia dalam Pemilihan Umum jang akan datang?," idem, Kedudukan UIarna dalam masjarakat Islam di Indonesia." These articles were compiled in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar. ide~
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in sorne ways things were worse. This situation existed, he argued, because the political parties never recognized a proper spirit of udevelopment." Instead they ail sought to achieve their own ends, such as securing important positions in government for their members, even when they were not qualified ta hold those positions. He asles in this article that the political parties try ta realize their weaknesses, ta eschew narrowmindedness and ta stnlggle for the development of Indonesian society in generaJ. 87 Even though he served as minister for religious affairs, he still actively wrote articles on tapies related to bis department' s policies. Among other subjects, he addressed the formation of the Ministry of Religious Affairs itself, including ilS duties toward all religions, the need to raise religious awareness and needed improvements to the
•
organization of the qajj and other religious services. ss Once, while serving as minister, Wahid Hasyim instituted a controversiaI policy. He required that all who wanted to go on the pilgrimage should he able to read and write in the roman alphabet. S9 Even though he
8~is article was written for
Gema Muslimin, vol. 1 (March, (953).
87Wahid Hasyim. ··Siapakah Jang Akan Menang DaJam Pemilihan Umum Jang Akan Datang?" in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.
753-756. 88Wahid Hasyim, USekitar Pembentukan Kementerian Agama RIS;" idem, uPerbaikan Perdjalanan Hadji;" idem, UMengatur Urusan Hadji;" idem. uMembangkitkan Kesadaran Beragama;" idem, uKedudukan Pemerintah terhadap Agama9" in Aboebakar Atjeh 9 Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 854-918. 8~e basic reason given by Wahid Hasyim for introducing the policy and later on to
•
convince his opponents was mat Indonesians who performed the pil gri mage, based on his experience, easily gat into difficulties, especially during traveling, Wahid Hasyim aiso hoped they would he wonhy representatives of Indonesia in the ··world Islamic congress (JfaiJ)" who could reflect weil on Indonesia in general. As matter of faet. according to hi~ most people who performed the pilgrimage came from villagers and bad linle knowledge bath religion and science in general. Through this policy il was hoped that they would be able ta enhance their abilities, laler on, they would not be "victims" and would grow in self-confidence that they were equal to other the ~ajjs. Wahid Hasyim, ··Perbaikan Perdjalanan Hadji," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar. p. 886-896. For funber infonnation on
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was criticized for mis position by Many other Muslim leaders, amoog them K. H. Abdurrahman Sjihab, leader of the Jam'iyyatul Wasliyah, who said that it could oot he made a requirement, Wahid Hasyim was able to meet with bis oppooents and get them to accept this provision.
90
This policy indicates that Wahid Hasyim was greatly concemed
about eradicating illiteracy among the Indooesian people.
In the field of religion, Wahid Hasyim wrote. amoog other articles,
"~Nabi
Muhammad dan Persaudaraan Manusia" (The Prophet Muhammad and Brotherhood among Human beings);91 uKebangkitan dunia Islam" (Resurgence of the Islamic World);92 "Beragamalah dengan Sungguh dan Ingatlah Kebesaran Tuhan,,93 (Be a Good Religious Adherent and Remember of the Glory of God), etc. Generally speaking, he
•
emphasized in bis religious writings that Islam teaches peace and love of truth. It does not force people to become Muslims. Whenever the Prophet won a victory, he did oot imprison bis enemies, but granted them freedom. He stressed that human beings basically are brothers, and that the brotherhood of human beings must be maintained. Furthermore he suggested that the Indonesian people, who followed a variety of religions, avoid hostility and build co-operation among the adherents of different religions. From the date
economical condition of the pilgrims during the colonial period see Laurence Husson, ·'Indonesians in Saudi Arabia: Worship and Work," Studia lslamika, vol. 4, no. 4 (1997): 109136. 90Aboebakar
Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiart p.
209-210. 91Wahid Hasyim, UNabi Muhammad and Persaudaraan Manusia," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar. p. 677-.679.
•
92Wahid Hasyim, ~'Kebangkitan dunia Islam,'" in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 681-686. 93Wahid Hasyim, uBeragamaIah dengan Sungguh dan Ingatlah Kebesaran Toban:' in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 687-693.
38
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of publication, it is apparent that he wrote these articles when he was in charge of Department of Religious Affairs. Of course, as a Minister of Religious Affairs he could he expected to support nationalistic goals and the general cause of inter-religious
harmony in Indonesia. Still, throughout bis writings, Wahid Hasyim demonstrated very wide-ranging concerns, as noted by Saifuddin Zuhri, a former Minister of Religious Affairs. who said that "ms writings indicated bis vision and wide knowledge."94 Wahid Hasyim's biography is that of a man who, though a product of the pesantren, was progressive in bis thinking, as was manifested in his involvement in a
number of religious as weIl as socio-political organizations. His association with the Nahdlatul Ularna, the MIAI and the Masyumi, indicates bis commitment to the cause of
•
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educational change, the struggle for independence and the development of a strong Indonesian nation-state.
94Saifuddin Zuhri, Guruku orang-orang Pesantren, p. 89.
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CHAPTERTWO K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Istamic Educational RefonD Wahid Hasyim's contribution to the development of the Indonesian educational system, and Islamic education in particular, has largely been neglected by scholars. Most writers on the field give their attention to K. H. Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of the Muhammadiyah movement, or to Abdullah Ahmad, the founder of the Adabiyah school in Minangkabau, pointing to them as the chief reformists of [slamic education in lndonesia. l In their eyes it seems the term .. reformisttt is a1ways to be identified with
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~'modernist;"
indeed, the idea of refonnism in Indonesia, and not just in the field of
[slamic education, is regarded by the majority of scholars as having been spread ooly by the modernist group. By contrast, the changes and developments in the traditionalist Islamic institutions has aImost never been touched on, even though there were many similarities between the situation there and in modernist schools. The name that is associated with this process is that of Wahid Hasyim, one of the prominent leaders of the Nahdlatul Ulama, and a man deeply concemed with Muslim education in Indonesia, especially in traditional Muslim institutions. Among ms other accomplishments were bis efforts to introduce Western sciences inta traditional institutions (pesantrens) and to establish new institutions, such as
See for example Deliar Noer, .~ The Rise and Development of the Modemist Muslim Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial Period (1900-1942),U (ph.D. thesis. Comell University, 1963), p. 58; Karel Steenbrink, Pe.santren, Matlrasa/i, SeRPfaIi: Pouf~an Isfam âtlfam !.{urunModém(Jakarta: LP3ES, 1974), p. 39 and p. 52; Mahmud Yunus, SejaraliPetUiùfiK!.n Isfam ii lrufone.sia (Jakana: Muti~ 1979)~ p.63 and p. 268. 1
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the Madrasah
Ni~amiyah,
PGA (Pendidikan Guru Agama or the State Educational
Training for Religious Teacher) and PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri or the Institute of Islamic Higher Education). Through these efforts, Wahid Hasyim tried to rectify the weaknesses in Indonesian Muslim education and tried to bridge the gap between the two different systems, the Western and Islamic. This chapter, therefore, offers an account of the changes proposed by Wahid Hasyim. and compares bis plan to that of the modemists who aIso took up the idea of educationaI reform. To gain a better understanding of Wahid Hasyim's educational change in an Indonesian context, the fust part of this chapter will deal with the educational systems operated by both the colonial government and the Muslim community.
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A. Educational Systems in Indonesia during the Colonial Period: A General Overview Ever since Islam was introduced ioto the archipelago through peaceful penetration2 towards the beginning of the thirteenth century/ it has slowly but surely won
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~ According to Snouck Hurgronje the people of the archipelago, especially those on Java and Sumatera, did not convert to Islam by force, but through family alliances. This theory is supported by Schrieke, a pupil of Hurgronje, who says that conversion to Islam in the archipelago, though often the result of the contact with merchants, sometimes resulted from marriage alliances between Indonesian courts, when one of the two parties was a Muslirn. This was for instance the case of Sunan Rahmad who is said to have won a high position in Surabaya after his marriage wim a Javanese girl of noble birth. C. C. Berg, "The Islamisation of Java," StuâUl ISÛl~ IV (1950): 111-114. Other scholars, such as Van Leur and Berg, however, disagree with this opinion. arguing that the conversion of the people of the archipelago was due to political reasons, such as restoring the glory of a previous kingdom as in the case of Sultan Agung (who wanted to restore the Majapahit Kingdorn). See Berg, "The Islamisation of Java," p. 112. It can he argued that this might have been true at the upper class of society, but for common people, considerations of power were out of the question. They acquired Islam, in my opinion, due to cultural adaptation, that is Islamic missionaries, especially sufi teachers, could show that Islam was, to sorne extent, adaptable to the local cultures. This rneant that the process of Islamisation in the archipelago was achieved through peaceful penetration.
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ovec the majority of the indigenous population. As the dominant religion in Indonesia for centuries, Islam bas played a significant role in providing an education to Indonesian Muslims. The system operated on two levels: penaajian al-Q}lran (Qur'amc school) and
poTUloR,.pesantren (boarding school).4 Pengajian al-Qpran.. which was usually conducted at masques or langgars (smal1 prayer-houses in villages), or even at home (at least nowadays), was the basic level of Muslim education in Indonesia. It was the first step in education. and introduced children to the practice of reading the Qur'an. Under the instruction of (ufami' or devout members of the Islamic community, the students also studied the science of reciting the Qur'an
(tajrdtf). They chanted, and sometimes memorlzed, short sürans (chapters), particularly
•
the last part of the Qur'an which is called juz lamma. 5 Alongside reading the Qur'an, it was
) Rickefs is one of thase scholars who believe that the process of Islamization in the archieplago began arouod the year 1300. This assumption is based on the evidence provided by the gravestane of Sultan Malik al-Salih, the first Muslim roler of Samudera. This monument is dated AH 696 (AD 1297), and fumished obvious proaf that by the thirteenth century a Muslim dynasty had aJready been established in Indonesia. Funher evidence cited by RickJefs is Ibn Battuta's repon that in the year 1345 he found that the culer of Samudera was a follawer of the Shafi'i school of law. AIso in Laren, East Java the gravestane of a Muslim woman has been round mat dates from AH 475 (AD (082); however, RickJefs expresses doubt whether the grave was ever in fact located on Java, given the possibility that the stone might have been shifted ta Java for other reasans. Even Moquette and Ravaisse assumed that it might be the grave of a foreign rather than a Javanese Muslim. Funhermare they mentioned that it was comman for foreign Muslims to travel, ta stay for a certain period and even die in Java before there was any significant Javanese conversion to Islam. M.C. Ricklefs t •• Islamizatian in Java: Founeenth ta Eighteenth Centuries:' in Ahmad Ibrahim, et al., '1(pulines on lsfmn in SoutMast.9fsia (Singapore: Institute of Sautheast Asian Studies 1985), p. 42. Based on these proofs It can therefore be assumed that the Islamisation of the archipelago began in approximately 1300. M. C. Ricklefs, Jt lIistoryofMolem lnâonesiaSînac 1300 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993). p.3-5 t
4
•
t
Mitsuo Nakamura and Setsuo Nishino, •• Islamic Higher Education in Indonesi~
ft
lIig1io'E4UCJltionP0ÛC!J1 vol. 6, no. 2 (1993): 51.
, Juz (artr1IUl constitutes the last thirty seveD süra!is (chapters) of the Quéan, that is, from the sürali78 to sürali 114 of the Qur'in.
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aIso common for this institution to provide instruction in the basic elements of IsIamic teachings, such as 'iDitfali or religious duties which consisted of making ablution ('UJUI/i/), praying (!aiiFi) and other centrai Muslim duties, including prayer (aU;;1 ).6 Since every devout Muslim was expected to spread Islamic teachings, and the reading of the Qur' an in particular, pengajian af-Qurân was established in almast every 7
village and was 0Perated along traditional lines, that is, in an informai way based on the founder' s abilities and persona! experiences. There was no such thing as a fixed curriculum or general teaching pattern. The main purpose of the institution was to enable students to read the Qur' ân and chant the short süra!is (chapters) that were already memorized, particularly in their prayers, but not necessarily ta help them understand the meaning. The most common method used in the pengajian af..qpran was the individual
•
teaching and leaming method, that is, students leamed ta read the Qur' an under the guidance of their teacher, individually; based on their level, each student could hope ta receive fifteen minutes instruction per day.1I For intelligent children, il might take a short period of time to complete this level, whereas for children who were not as bright, il
" lamakhsyari Dhofier, uThe Role of Qur'anic Schools in the Universaiization of Basic Education in Indonesia," MizIln, vol. 5, no. 2 (1992); p. 14. See aIse Karel Steenbrink, 'Dutdi Cofonialism arul IrufonLSian Isfam, Contact aTUf Confûct 1596-1950, trans1ated by Jan Steenbrink and Henry Jansen, Amsterdam: Atlanta, (993), p. 85. For further information on the issue see Mahmud Yunus, Stjaran. PmJfûf~an Islam li Irufonesia, p. 34-41. 7 According to Dutch Govemment records in 1831 the number of Peneajùln a(-QJlrin was aroond 1,853 with 16,556 students in the predominantly Istamic regencies in Java. This number increased sbarply according to Van den Berg who records 14, 929 of these institutions with 222,663 students in 1885. See lamakhsyari Dhofier, The Role of Qur'inic Schools in the Universalization of Basic Education in Indonesia," p. 15. ot>
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Karel Steenbrink, Pesantren, 9tladrasali, StÇIilfi: 'PouîufÇn Isfam tfafœn 1(u1Un 'Wa(tu Modéren, p. 10-12. 1
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might take longer. While there was no specifie requirement for the students ta finish their studies in a certain period of time, nevertheless they were expected to he active, and their success depended on the students themselves being able to read correctly all the sürafts of the Qur'
an.
After finishing the pengajian a(.Qprtin., those who wished ta seek more
advanced knowledge in the Istamic sciences could proceed to the pesantren. The pesantren, which is more or less similar to the mrau (literally,
'4
place of
worship") in Minangkabau,9 is an Islamic traditional institution for studies at an advanced level. As to when and by whom the flfSt pesantren was establisbed, there is little information. The institution founded by Jan Tampes U, established in Pamekasan, Madura in 1092,10 and which is thought by sorne ta be the first pesantren, is an unlikely candidate, because the spread and development of Islam, particularly in Java and Madura
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islands, began only in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Il This argument is supported by Van Bruinessen who clearly states that pesantren Tegalsari, established in
1742, is the oldest 5uch institution that can be traced. 1! However, although the institution of the pesantren did not exist before the 18th century, Van Bruinessen believes that the
9 Azra provides an historical account of the development of the surau and its role during the early refonn movement in Minangkabau. See Azyumardi Azra, "The Surau and the Early RefonD Movement in Minangkabau," Mizan, vol. 3,no. 2 (1990): 64-84.
Departemen Agama RI, ?lama ian t])ata Potensï Porufof1. Waliûf1lasjim, p. 332.
~ ZAunakhsyari Dhofier.
U
K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim," p. 79; see aIso M. M. Sharief, ~
lIistorg of!MusDm PIiifosopliy, voL 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966), p. 1646.
91
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opportunity ta help prepare the Indonesian people physically and mentally for the task of eventually driving out the Japanese. S9 As he stated himself: In the Japanese em, both secular and Islamic nationalist leaders surrendered and were willing to follow the Japanese plans. Fortunately, a young Muslim generation appeared and took over the leadership, including that of the Masjumi. Since that time, Masjumi no longer supported the Japanese propagand~ and even minimized the Japanese plans which caused people much suffering.6O
Wahid Hasyim aIso published a magazine Soeara Moesfimin lTufonesia as a tool to 61
spread the stnIggle for independence. He aIse proposed the establishment of BPI (Badan Propaganda Islam or Islamic Propaganda Committee) whose goal was to train its members to be able to deliver public speeches., spread Islamic teachings and raise feelings of nationalism as weIl. 62 At a major congress of Indonesian Muslims held in Jakart~ •
Wahid Hasyim stated: the colonial rulers never even think of humanitarianisID, justice and pity. They leave our children ignorant and cause them to forget their own history, the grandeur of their ancestors, their destiny for the future and even their own Gad as well as the direction in which tbey have ta pray. Under colonial oppression, our economic condition is very tragic. We must not act like children, but rather as a mature nation that can act on its own. As long as we act childishly, we will he easily decieved by sweet promises offered by the colonial who never intend to realize them. 6J
~9 Aboebakar Atjeh, Sttfjarali1fûlup ~ 1f. Jt. Wama!Jlasjïm p. 332. 00
Aboebakar Atjeh, Sttfjara/i1fûlup ~ 1f. Jt. Wama1fasjim. p.33l.
01
Saifuddin Zuhri, gu~ Orang.arangPesantmr, p. 189.
02 ..
•
K.H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim,t9 in ~fopf!IÛ Isfam., vol. 5, (Jakana: Ichtiar Baru Van
Hoeve, (993), p. 164. Ol
Aboebakar Atjeh, Sdjarali1fûlup ~ !JL..1. Wama1fasjim, p. 340.
92
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At this juncture Peta (Pembela Tanah Air or Protectors of the Fatherland) and Heiho (Auxiliary Forces) were established in Jawa and Madura in order ta serve as an auxiliary guerrilla force ta resist an Allied invasion, not only in Indonesia, but aIso in 64
Burma and other countries. This body later contributed trained cadres to the Indonesian army during the revolution. Seizing on the desire of the Japanese ta mobilize local forces, Wahid Hasyim, instead of accepting Abdul Hamid Ono' s request for santri youth to join Peta and Heiho, asked the Japanese authorities for permission to mise a Muslim auxiliary to he called the Hizbullah.
65
Wahid Hasyim insisted that Muslim santris not be sent
overseas, but that they along with the 'ufami,66 received military training and political 67
indoctrination. His request to set up the Hizbullah was granted by the Japanese. This opportunity was actually used ta prepare Muslim santris ta fight against the Japanese, for, •
as pointed out by Saifuddin Zuhri, ~'Wahid Hasyim kept in mind the idea that this military training for santris would he a part of the preparation for an insurrection against
M
Soeara MIAI, no. 20, October 15, 2603; K.H. M. Hasyim Latief, .ûlsKp.r 1liz6ulWr.
'Berjua1lfJ Menega{R!zn lJ{qJara!lU, p. 16. a5 Harry 1. Bend~ ~ Cresant aruf tIie 1{isin,g Sun, p. 179. R. de Broin, lsfam en nationalisme in ioorJapan 6eut I~ 1.942-1945(Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij, 1982), p. 102.
The 'flfattUil were aIso getting iQtiNm (training) during the Japanese authority. For a comprehensive account see Soeara MIAI, vol 1. no. 17 (1 Ramadan 136211 September 2603); See aIso Nourouzzaman Shiddiqi, ··The Role of the Ularna During the Japanese Occupation of Indonesia (1942-1975)." &6
61
The Hizbullah was officially established on October 14, 1944. K.H. M. Hasyim Latief,
w(ar !J{iduf/iUi 'Bt.rftumB Meneaa{q.n ~ara !/(J, p. 16-17; Benedict R.D'G. Anderson, Java in Jt
•
Tune ofRevolution (Ithaca: Comell University Press, (972), p. 26. 6&
Saifuddin Zuhri, quruk.!t Ortmtfora"9Pes~ p. 195-196
93
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After receiving training for severa! months under Japanese commanders, the five hundred or so Muslim youths selected for Hizbullah were sent out to organize and train local uoits ail over Java. Masjumi financed their activities, although the members of the corps were not paid any salary.69 This force gave a new structure to the Muslim cause and constituted a means for the community to contribute to the military efforts of the independence movement after the Japanese departed in 1945. Of course, throughout the Japanese period itself the force was an evidence of Japanese-Muslim cooperation. However, the close relationship between Japanese and Muslims cannot be seen as a
~mutual'
one. Many Muslim leaders realized the purpose behind a
~gift'
or
~promise'
offered by the Japanese. They therefore employed a strategy called !Jahanno (manipulation) in their struggle against the Japanese, which included cooperation. When
•
Saifuddin Zuhri asked Wahid Hasyim about bis collaboration with Japan, Wahid Hasyim explained it as follows: In any struggle mutual deception goes on....Among santris Nippon which is the Japanese pronounciation, must he pronounced Nippong. It means nipu wo1lfJ (in Javanese: to deceive a person). They say they want to liberate us from Dutch colonialism. Probably il's true we shall not be colonized by Rolland again, but they don't tell us whether we will become independent or if they will colonize us after we are freed from Rolland. This is just a deception. Why don't we deceive them? ..Our principle is to heIp ourselves through opportunities which they give us. Possibly they will make use of us as their tool. But we are not silent tooIs. What is important is to use opportunities 70 which they give us as much as possibIe.
Bend~ tIM. Crescent anâ ~ 1{isi"B s~ p. 280; see also Boland, fJh. Strua!Jfe of IsiÎun. in Moâem lrufone.sia, p. 13. 69
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10
Saifuddin Zuhri, (juru Ora1l[J-oTTl"B Pesantmr, p. 173.
94
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Another strategy applied by the Japanese to win support from Indonesian Muslims was the establishment of the Shumubu,71 or the Religious Affairs Office. Its task was to handle Islamic affairs and the Muslim community more effectively. This office was chaired by Colonel Horie Chozo, the preeminent Japanese architect of the Indonesian 72
governing effort in Java. For severa! months Shumubu was completely staffed by the Japanese officiaIs, until the Indonesian and Arab members of the former Bureau for Indonesian Affairs (under the Dutch) were aIlowed to resume their work there. Although K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari was officially placed in charge of the office, in practice however, he once again transferred bis daily duties ta bis son K. H. Wahid Hasyim.73 It was Wahid Hasyim, according ta Boland, who laid the foundations for the future Ministry of Religious Affairs, such as by taking over all the duties formerly divided amongst the
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Department of Home Affairs, of Justice and of Education, and by establishing regional offices for religious affairs in every residency (one of the administrative districts within a province>.74 As he stated himself: Hadlratus Syaîkh (Hasjim Asy'ari) and 1 have been asked to foem Kantor Jawatan Agama Pusat (the Central Office for Religious Affairs, Shumubu). 1 have already offered my opinion to Saiko-Shikikan (the Supreme
Shumubu was an office or department which continued the work of the Dutch colonial Xjmtoor 'IIOor InfaTUfsfk za{en (Office for Native Affairs). For a good account on x.antoor 1I00r lnfarufscfrt za~ See H. Aqib Suminto, PoRtiR. Isfam:1fitufia 'Beftltufa :1fet xpntor voor InfaTUfsw. za~ (Jakana: LP3ES, (986). 71
n
U.S. Departrnent of Commerce Office of Technical Services, Japanese Milita'!! p. 226.
~nistration in IndônesiJl,
•
73
Ali Haidar, ?(.aNfatuC'llfiuna {an Isul1tu{i lrulonesi4P~tan !F~âafamPoû~ p. 322.
7"
Boland, '11ie StruB8fe of Isliun in Motfem lrulonesi4, p. 10; Deliar Noor, Mministration of
Isfmn in lrufonesüll p. 14.
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Commander) that this is impossible if local branches of that office are not 7S created throughout Java and Madura. My opinion was accepted by Japan. When BPUPKI (Badan Penyelidik Usaha·usaha Persiapan
Kemerdekaan
Indonesia or Investigating Committee for Prepatory Work for Indonesian Independence) was established,76 Wahid Hasyim was appointed as one of its members. Inaugurated on May 29, 1945, this body consisted of 62 members
TI
and held two meetings in shon
7B
succession. At these two meetings the discussion left no doubt that there existed within BPUPKI two distinct positions, Islamic nationalism on the one hand and secular nationalism on the other. As Supomo remarked at the time: "on the one hand there is the opinion of the religious experts who are proposing to establish Indonesia as an [slamic state, while on the other is another proposai, put forward by Mr. Mohammad Hatta, that
•
is, a national unitary state which will separate the state from religious affairs." N As soon as the first session of the investigating committee ended, the members stayed behind to continue the discussion. They formed a small committee consisting of
15
Saifuddin Zuhri, (jUruK.!l Ora1lfl-Drang Pesan~ p. 172.
1& P.M. Saikoo Shikikan ordered the establishment of .~ Dadan Oentoek Menjelidiki Oesaha·oesaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan. For further information see Soeara Moe.sfimin Indônesia., vol 3, no. 6 (30 Rabi'ul Awal 1364/15 March 2605), p. 2·6; idem, vol 3, no. 10 (2 Djumadil Akhir 1364115 May 2605), p. 3-6.
The Committee consisted of a chairman, two vice--chainnen and sixty members. See Soeara Moe.sûmin Intfonesia, no. 2, tabun 3 (2 Djumadil Akhir 1364/15 May 2605)9 p. 7-9.; Saafroedin Bahar et.al., !l{isalizli Sidâne tJJatfan PenyefüliK.. 'Usalûl-usalitz Persiapan x.,emerâtÇan IntliJnuian (fJ1PllPX!)i Panitûl Persûlpan ~aIln IntIiJnuia (Jakarta: Sekretariat Negara Republik Indonesia, 1995), p.xxv-xxvi. TI
11
The frrst meeting was heId on May 29-June 1, 1945 and the second on July 10-16,
1945.
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19 M. Yamin, 9(as~ Persiapan f11UÛJ"B-wufana tJJasar !/{epu6~ lrufontsiJl, vol. 1 (Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan, 1959)9 p. 115; Saifuddin Anshari, uThe Jakarta Charter of June 1945: A
96
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nine appointed members: Soekarno, Mohammad Hatta, A. A. Maramis, Abikoesno Tjokrosoejoso, Abdul Kahar Muzakkir, Haji Agus Salim, Ahmad Soebardja, Muhammad Yamin and Abdul Wahid Hasyim.
1O
The choice of Wahid Hasyim ta serve on this
committee, according to Zmnakhsyari Dhofier, was made in recognition of the fact that he was an influential figure amang the members; that he had the potential ta bridge pesantren civilization with the modem Indanesian society that they hoped ta establish. and that he wa~ open to compromise sa as to unify the two concepts of nationalism.
1l1
Evidently, this committee, after much discussion, achieved a moaus viventfi between the Muslim nationalists and secular nationalists. They agreed on a cirait preamble which was signed by ail nine committee members in Jakarta on June 22, 1945. This agreement was known as the Jakarta Charter (Piagam Jakarta).a:!
•
The issue which became the focus of discussion at the second meeting was the deletion from the charter of seven words: .• dengan kewajiban menjalankan syarl'at Islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya" (with the obligation to carry out the Islamic sfum'aft for its adherents). Latuharhary, a Protestant member of the Investigating Committee, on July Il,
History of the Gentleman' s Agreement Between the [slamic and the Secular Nationalists in Modem lndonesia/' (MA thesis, McGill University, 1976), p. 23. 10 The oine signatories of the Jakana Charter were represeotative of the mainstreams and principal trends in Indonesian society: Soekarno, M. Ratta, Achmad Soebardjo and Muhammad Yamin were representatives of secular Muslim nationalist, A. A. Maramis was secular Christian nationalist and Abikoeno Tjokrosoejoso, Abdul Kahar Muzakir, Agus Salim, Wahid Hasyim were representatives of Islanlie nationalists. Saifuddin Anshari, uThe Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 24 and 38; B. J. Boland, '11ie.Struaefe of Isfam in Motfun Intfone.sia, p. 26.
Il Zamakhsyari Dhofier, K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim Ranlai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban lndonesia Moderen," p.76. U
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12 M. Yamin was the first member of the committee to name the agreement the" Jakarta Charter" (Piagam Jakarta). M. Yamin. Naskah. 1, p. 228; See also Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.25.
97
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1945, expressed an objection to this formula, stating: "Its consequence is probably great, especially regarding other religions. The sentence aIso could lead to difficulties in connection with
atfat-istiatfat
(customary law), such as in the case of Minangkabau and
MaIuku."BJ Haji Agus Salim, an eminent Islamic leader from Minangkabau, responded: The difference in opinion concerning liuRlun agama (religious law) and Minangkabau's fiuRlun atfat (adat Law) is not a new one ... and in general, it bas already been solved. Moreover, the adherents of other religions do not need to worry about it, for their security does not depend upon the power of the state, but on the dat (tradition) of the Islamic community, which constitutes 90% of the popuJation. lI4 Soekarno, who chaired the second meeting, reminded aIl members that the preamble was a compromise between the so-caIJed Islamic and nationalist factions. "If the sentence is not included, it will not be accepted by the Islamic group, and the dispute
•
will continue" ll~ he wamed. Wongsonegoro proposed adding to it the phrase "for other religious adherents, they carry out their own ways according to their religions." 86 Hoesein Djajadiningrat also disagreed with the seven words mentioned in the preamble, arguing
Il Accarding ta Latuharhary, if the clause ES applied, the Muslim adherents in Minangkabau have to (eave their custamary law, while in the case of Maluku, the sentence will lead to conflict in terms of inheritance matters. In Maluku the customary law (atfat-istia/at) roles that everybody will receive the same inheritance whether he is Muslim or Christian. Saafroedin Bahar et.a1., 1{isafali S""'"tJ '.8aâan Ptnyefil{~ 'lLsana-usa/ia Persiapan XPnuiekaan ltUfonesian (fJ1Pll!PXI), p.216.
.. Muhammad Yamin, ?{as{afl Persiapan Utufang-UrufaTrfJ 1Jasar 194~ vol. l, p. 259; B. J. Boland, '1Iit 5truaBIé ofIslizm. in 9tlotfem lTUfonesûl, p. 28-29. as Yamin, ?lasK.P/i PerSÜlpan flrufane-Utufane t[)asar 1.945. voL 1, p. 259; Saafroedin BOOar et.aI., !/{,isafIIIi Sitfa"tJ 'iltufan Pe.nyefûliR.'llsana-usa1i4 PtrSÜlpan ~n lnâonesian {~ p. 216.
•
uSaafroedin Babar et.al., !I{,isafali 5üfa"tl fJJtufan Ptnljelitf~ Usa/ia-usa/ia Pmiapan XPnu~ lruftmaûm {fJ1Pll!PXI),p. 217.
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that "If this clause is included it will probably create fanaticism, for it seems to force Islamic adherents to carry out the sfiarea/i" 87 Faced with the likelihood of an extended debate between secular and religious leaders, Wahid Hasyim tried ta bridge the different opinions raised at the meeting. He responded by reminding them of the principle of pmnu.sgQW4ratan (mutual deliberation), which was preferable ta the use of force. He stated:
•
This all depends on the process [of the application of the preamble] since we have frequently emphasized among us that the govemmentaI structure is based on perwaKj(an (representation) and pennusg4wŒratan (routuaI deliberation). Therefore, if there is any force, this case can be put Corward and be resolved. In this matter 1 need ta give sorne explanation. As Sanoesi said yesterday, the sentence is not strong enough. 1 have announced that this is the result of our compromise/agreement, and if we make it stronger, it can cause us trouble. We don' t need ta worry since 1 think we can still make every effort ta prevent the occurrence of the things we are worried about, and 1 even believe that nothing bad will happen. As a persan who more or less has a connection with Muslim society, 1 can say that it will never happen as long as there is a committee of representatives (6at!an perwaKj{an). 1bring lhis up in arder that we don't pralong the discussion about the matter which can bring about unnecessary anxiety. And if there are sorne who are not satisfied with thîs, 1 will say that there are others who think ta the contrary... Sa, again, 1hope discussion on the matter will not be prolonged. sa
Soekarno reminded them for the second time that the clause was the result of a compromise between the two main groups, which had been anained with great difficulty. The session of that day ended with bis remark:
'~I
think the clause 'with the obligation to
carry out the Islamic slÎarl'aIi. for its adherents' was accepted by this committee.
n
•
Saifuddin Anshari, UThe Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.27;
.. Saafroedin Bahar et.aI., !/{isafan Süfana tJJaâan Pengtfitfi{ Usalia-usa/ia Pusiapan ~~aan ltulorrman {'11Pll!PXJ)IP. 217-218
99
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Furthermore, since there is no other objection, aIl fundamental mattees mentioned in the preamble have been corrected and might he taken as accepted by this committee." B9 With regard to the discussion on the body of the constitution, especially on the office of President and the state's official religion, Wahid Hasyim, who is described by Boland as having been the most radical Muslim," 90 instantly put forward two proposaIs: U
that the President must he a Muslim, and that the religion of the state he Islam.91 Accordingly, Article 4 of the draft constitution, according to Wahid Hasyim, ought to have read: uThe President shaH he a native-born Indonesian, an adherent of Islam."lJ1 He argued that
U
for any Islamic cammunity the relationship between the government and
society is a very important one. If the President is a Muslim, the regulation will bear the mark of Islam and that will have a great influence." 93 Likewise, according ta mm, Article
•
28 ought to have read, The religion of the state is Islam, which guarantees the freedom U
for adherents of other religions to profess their own beliefs." ~ Wahid Hasyim argued that '6 this
matter was very important with regard to the defense of the state. Generally
19 Saafroedin Bahar, et.aI., 1{isafali. Sitfang 1kufan Pem.Jefiâtk Uralia-usalia 'l(pner~QIln lrufonesia ('1fPU!PJ(J), p. 218;
90
B. J. Boland, 'IMStruggk of ISUzm in Motfem ltufone.sia, p.29.
1)1 Saifuddin Anshari, ·'The Jakana Charter of June 1945:' p. 28. What Wahid Hasyim proposed was similar to other Muslim leading figures in Muslim countries, such as Abü al-A'la Mawdüdi who also promulgated the idea of Islamic State with the Isftunic sfrari'a!i as the basis of the state. See Achmad Zaini, " Mawdüdi' s Conception of the Islamic State:~ in Isfam antf 'DeTJefopmmt: ;et PoûtiaJ-!lIûgious !l{e.sponst. p. 163-199.
9'2
Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Chaner of June 1945:' p.28.
Saafroedin Bahar, et.a1., !Rjsafali Sitf4ng tJkufan Petf!JelirfiR. flsalia-usalia Xpner~ lrufo1t6ia {fJ1PlPPl(J~ p. 224; 1)]
•
94
Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.29.
100
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speaking, the defense based upon faith is a very great one, for according to Islamic teaching one's soul may only he given for religious ideology.,,95 After a long discussion, the committee unanimously accepted Article 28 which ran as folIow: 1. The State shall he based on the Ketuhanan (God) with the obligation to carry out the Islamic Shari'ah for its adherents; 2. The State shaH guarantee freedom for every resident to adhere to his respective religion and to perform bis religious duties in confonnity with 96 that religion and the faith. The debate on whether or not the President should be a Muslim continued until Soekarno asked the members of the committee, particularly those from the Nationalist group, to make a sacrifice, i.e., to accept the proposaI offered by Muslim nationaIists.
97
The same proposaI, if put forward today, would be seen as a backward step. And yet, for its time, i.e., a period of revolution and tunnoil, it represented a reasonable offer,98
•
constituting, in the eyes of sorne a great means of inspiring Indonesian Muslims to work for and uphold Indonesia's independence. Soekarno seems to have realized this, for he stated: 1 would say, that there is greatness in sacrificing, 'er is !,ootfteitf in offer. ' ... 1 propose that we accept in the Constitution the worlds 'the President of the Republic of Indonesia should he a native-barn Indonesian, an adherent of Islam.' 1 know that for sorne of the nationalist faction this roeans a matter of sacrifice of their conviction. AIl of us present at this meeting are 100% convinced that because the population of Indonesia consists of 90% adherents
95
Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945t " p. 29; Saafroedin Bahart et.aI., 'l(pnutfe(aan ltufonesia ('HPU!Pl(I), p. 224.
1(.isaflzli 5i1fana 'Ballan Penyeûtf~ UsaM~usalia
•
96
Saifuddin Anshari, ··The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.32.
97
Saifuddin Anshari, uThe Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.36.
9lI
Zamakhsyari Dhofier, K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim," p. 76. U
101
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of Islam, the President of Indonesia must be an adherent of Islam, however it may he formulated." 99 Soekarno went on to say that he realized the sacrifice that patriots like Latuharhary and Maramis were making, given that they were not Muslim. "1 ask you, as if in tears, again: as if in tears, would you be
50
kind as to make this sacrifice for the
country and people. 1hope tbat Mc. Honourable Chairman would like to try bis utrnost,
50
that as saon as possible we may reach UDanimous agreement on tbis proposai." 100 After it was clear that there were no objections in the meeting, it was adjourned by Radjiman, the General Chainnan, who asked those in favour to stand up, after which he finally declared officially: "The Constitution has been accepted unanimously." The closing words of the General Chairman met with a round of applause. toi
•
The day aiter the declaration of Indonesia's independence, Soekarno and M. Hatta set up the PPKI (Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia of the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence). After deliberating for only 2 hours and 15 minutes, the committee decided not ooly to omit the seven words of the drafted preamble, but aIso to change the word uMukaddimah" in the preamble to ·'Pembukaan." Even though these words have the same meaning, it seems that Muslim nationalists preferred the use of the ward MuK.luûfima/i which was derived from Arabic and might have been seen as a symbol of the "Islamic" element in the state, whereas Ptm6uK..aaTl was derived from a native Indonesian ward. Furthermore the words and an adherent of Islam" in Article 6 of the U
99 M. Yamio, ?{as(a/i Persiapan. p. 392-393; Saifuddin Anshari, "'The Jakana Charter of June 1945," p.36-37.
•
M. Yamin, Naskah Persiapan, p. 393; Saefuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.37. 100
102
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body of the Constitution were removed. Thus Article 6 came to read uThe President of the Republic of Indonesia should be native-bom." 102 In line with this the Committee aIso decided that Article 29, paragraph 1 should read "The State is based on
U
Ketuhanan
Yang Maha Esa (Gad, the Only One)," instead of "Based on Ketuhanan, with the obligation to carry out the Islamic Sliari'an.for its adherents." 103 The decision of the Investigating COlnmittee became, years later, a controversial issue in the history of the development of an Indonesian ideology .104 The fact remains however that an agreement ta change the seven words was reached, and Wahid Hasyim, one of the signatories of the Jakarta Charter, agreed with this alteration. However, the question has been raised whether he actually attended the meeting or not. Hatta, for one, confmns bis presence, referring ta bis invitation to Wahid Hasyim ta discuss matters
•
before the meeting started: Since it seemed ta he very serious, the next moming August 18, 1945, before the meeting [of the Prepatory Committee began], l invited Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Wahid Hasyim, Mr. Kasman Singodimedjo and Mr. Teuku Hasan from Sumatera to have a preliminary meeting to discuss the aforementioned problem. In order that we as a nation not be divided, we agreed to remove the aforementioned sentences which will hurt the feelings of the Christian group and replaced it with Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Belief in one God).105 101
Saefuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.37.
Saafroedin Bahar, et.al., 1{.isaum. Siâa1TfJ tJJiufan Penyelùlik'Usana·usaha iJ(pnurf&...aan lrufonuùJ ('11Pl1P'1(I), p. 415. 102
Saafroedin Bahar, et.aI., !I{,isafali 5ûfane '1ltuUln Pmyelùlik Usa/ia·usalia X.emer~n lrufonuùJ (fJ1Pll!P7(J~ p. 415; Saifuddin Anshari, uThe Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p.40. 103
IGl
•
See Deliar Noer, Mministration ofIsfam in I7u{onesi4, p. 2.
M. Ral13, ~t4r Pro(.famosi 17 ~ 1945 (Jakarta: Tinlamas, 1969), p. 57-59. According 10 Ralla, a Japanese officer of the x.aigun (the Javanese Navy) came to him informing him that the representative of the Protestants and the Catholics in the area under the iJ@itpm objected strenuously to the clause ., Ke-Tuhanan, with the obligation to carry out the Shari'ah 1115
103
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However, according to Prawoto, Wahid Hasyim was not even in Jakarta on August 18, 1945, but was rather on the road to east Java at that time.
1œ
It is difficult, according ta Dhofier, to resalve the contradiction raised by the accounts of Ratta and Prawoto. The two sources were bath men of high integrity and credibility, which makes it hard to believe that one of them could have been wrong. However, there are two things that are very clear about the cantroversy. First, bath Ratta and Prawoto regarded Wahid Hasyim as one of the decision makers in cbanging the wording of the Jakarta Charter. For Hatta, the success of the agreement reached at the meeting of August 18, 1945 was due, at least in part, to Wahid Hasyim's approval, which must have been secured before the meeùng started. For Prawoto, however, the agreement
•
was only reached because Wahid Hasyim was at the time in East Java and unable to attend the meeting. Second, Wahid Hasyim never reacted in any way ta the change in the Jakarta Charter, which was officially declared on August 18, 1945. Moreover, as he passed away on April 15, 1953 he could not have witnessed the later controversy over the matter which arose in the Constituent Assembly sessions.
107
Islam for its adherents." They saw it as discriminatory against ail the minority groups. If the clause was not abolished, they preferred to withdraw from the Republic of Indonesia. Saefuddin Anshari, l~The Jakarta Charter of June 1945:' p.43 Prawoto Mangkusasmito, PtrtumDunan 1listoris 1{.umus 1Jasar ?l!eara tfan SeDuali. Proyt{si (Jakarta: Hudaya, 1970), p. 38-39. 106
•
101 Zmnakhsyari Dhofier, .~ K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen," p. 77.
104
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c. After Independence Sorne months later after Soekarno and
Hatt~
on behalf the Indonesian people,
proclaimed Indonesia's independence on August 17, 1945, the Dutch, in the name of the NICA (Netherlands Indies Civil Administration), retumed ta restore colonial govemment, by force if necessary. They were resisted and hostility ensued. The flercest battle ta maintain Indonesia's independence occurred in Surabaya on November lO~ 1945. 11111 Known as the Battle of Surabaya, Ricklefs points out that "it became a national symbol of resistance." 109 It is aiso said by Reid to have served as a model and inspiration in motivating the Indonesian people throughout the archipelago to resist Dutch and Allied efforts to reimpose colonialism.
11o
In spite of the fact that nationalist leaders, such as Resident (a leader of residency)
•
Sudinnan and Bung Tomo called for a general uprising against the British, one of the most important factors that inspired the Indonesian people, and especially Muslim santrls, to fight the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA) and the British troops, was
in the influence of Wahid Hasyim. As Minister of State (without portfoliO)11I and as leader of the Nahdlatul Ularna at that time, Wahid Hasyim, who was known to have a close relations with many prominent 'ufami} and was in a position ta gather information Rear Admirai Commanding, Fifth Croiser Squadron certifies that Captain P. J. G. was ordered "to proceed Soerabaya in order to prepare the re-occupation of Soerabaya." David Wehl, ~ '1Jirtfi of Indonesia (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1948), p. 51. lœ
10l)
M. C. Ricklefs, ~!J{istoT!J0fMotfemlruftmtsiaSinac. 1300, p. 217.
Anthony Reid, t11ie lruforwi4n ?{ationaf1tevofution l!J45-195O (Connecticut: Greenwood Press}1974), p. 135 110
•
III He was appointed to be a Minister of State (without portfolio) in the first Cabinet of the Republic of Indonesia between August 31, 1945 and November 14, (945). George McTuman Kahin, ?(atioTulfism atul!%Uowtion in lrufonesill, p. 139.
105
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and mobilize manpower through the pesantren network,1I2 took the initiative of inviting all branches of the NU in Java and Madura to hold a meeting to discuss a strategy to fight against the Japanese, Dutch and British troops.ll3 The meeting led by Wahid Hasyim finally decided to issue a fatwa which was legitimized by K.H. Hasyim Asy' arî, the great leader of the NU. This fatwa was to become known as the !R..eso{usi
JiIiatl (Hoiy
War
Revolution) which consists of the following points: (1) The independence of Indonesia which was proclaimed on August 17, 1945 must he (wiji6) defended; (2)The Republic of Indonesia as the le facto govemment must be (wiji5) protected and rescued although property and souls will be sacrified; (3) The enemies of the Republic of Indonesia, namely, the Dutch who have come back with the help of the Allies (the British) will certainly use political and military means to recolonize Indonesia; (4) Indonesian Muslims, particularly those in the Nahdlatul Ulama must mise their anns against the Dutch and their allies who want to re-eolonize Indonesia; (5) This obligation is a forro of ji1iii (holy war) and it is the obligation of every Muslim
