Multiple classifier system in Murui

Language and Culture Research Centre 3 Dec 2014

Multiple classifier system in Murui Kasia Wojtylak

1. Language profile Murui (Bue) is spoken by about 1,100 Murui people in Northwest Amazonia along the banks of the Putumayo, Cara-Paraná and Igara-Paraná rivers in Colombia. Some Murui speakers also live in northern parts of Peru along the Ampi Yacú and Napo rivers. Murui belongs to the Witoto language family, one of the smaller linguistic families in Amazonia. Murui, together with Mɨka, Mɨnɨka, Bɨnɨka and Nɨpode, constitute a single language forming in all likelihood a dialect continuum. Map 1 shows the location of the Murui speakers.

Map 1. Location of Murui and other surrounding languages in Northwest Amazonia Key to map: Witoto languages: Murui, Mɨnɨka, Ocaina, Nonuya; Arawak languages: Resígaro, Yucuna; Bora languages: Bora, Miraña, Muinane; Carib langauges: Carijona; Peba-Yagua: Yagua; Quechua (Kichwa): Inga; Tucanoan (East): Barasano-Taiwano, Macuna, Retuarã-Tanimuca, Tatuyo; Tucanoan (West): Koreguaje, Orejón, Siona; Tupí: Cocama-Cocamilla; language isolates: Ticuna, Andoque 1

Murui is highly synthetic, predominantly suffixing and nominative-accusative. The language is predominantly verb-final; the organization of the constituents in the clause is usually SV/AOV. Grammatical relations are expressed through pronominal cross-referencing on the verb (with one cross-referencing position: the subject S/A). Syntactic functions can be expressed through case markers. Marking of core arguments (S, A, O = non S/A focus) is generally optional and is related to focus; marking of peripheral arguments on an NP (i.e. locative, ablative, commitativeinstrumental, benefactive, privative) is usually mandatory. Murui has three open lexical classes and eleven closed classes of words. The open word classes are nouns, verbs and derived adjectives. Underived adjectives, adverbs, quantifiers, pronouns, demonstratives, anaphoric forms, interrogative words, low (1 and 2) and lexicalized (3 < 20) number words, connectives, adpositions, interjections and onomatopoeic forms belong to the closed word classes. The majority of the word classes can occupy the predicate slot but there are restrictions as to what kind of sets of suffixes can be attached to non-verbs. Connectives, adpositions, interjections and onomatopoeic forms cannot function predicatively.

2. Nominal morphology - general remarks Prototypical Murui nouns are heads of NPs that function as arguments of a predicate. In the example [1], the noun biyama 'mother’s brother' is cross-referenced on the verb with the pronominal suffix -e: [1]

[Nai-e biya-ma]S jai [be-no-mo]LOC ANA.D-CLF:G mothers.brother-CLF.DER.MASC ALREADY here-CLF:SP.PLACE-LOC i-ñe-d-e. Jai baɨ-d-e. be-NEG-LK-3 ALREADY die-LK-3 'That uncle (mother’s brother) doesn’t live here anymore. He died already.'

Prototypical Murui nouns can also head intransitive predicates, as in [2]: [2]

Rɨ+ño-dɨ-kue. woman+CLF:DER.FEM-LK-1sg 'I am a woman.'

Nouns can take up to four structural positions that generally can be filled simultaneously (there are some dependencies between number and classifiers): (a) (b) (c) (d) [3]

Classifiers (up to four classifier positions), Case, Number (plural, associative, collective), Epistemic markers.

zuru+ma-iaɨ-za tapir.type+CLF:DER.MASC-PL-EPISTEMIC 'tapirs (it seems so)'

Nominal modifiers, such as adjectives, demonstratives, interrogatives, anaphoric forms and low numerals are bound forms and they are followed by classifiers. Such headlessly used modifiers share syntactic functions and grammatical categories with prototypical nouns. 2

3. Multiple classifier system One of the most salient characteristics of the nominal morphology of Murui is a large multiple classifier system that consists of at least 80 classifiers. 1 The same (or almost the same) classifier form can be used in a variety of morphosyntactic contexts (hence the label 'multiple classifier system'). The system is semi-open due to the occurrence of repeaters (partially repeated nouns that occur in classifier slots). All types of classifiers are bound suffixes that can be either mono- or disyllabic. In terms of semantic parameters of the Murui classifiers, Murui distinguishes between: - animate classifiers (based on inherent sex-distinction human male vs. female), - physical property classifiers (characterized in terms of their physical properties), - unique classifiers (abstract concepts and unspecified objects), - repeaters (partially repeated non-human nouns). The semantic domains of Murui classifiers are presented in Diagram 1. Diagram 1. Semantics of classifiers in Murui human male + animals and inanimate objects associated by a principle of semantic extension

Human

human female + animals and inanimate objects associated by a principle of semantic extension

Animate

Human and sex distinguishable animals

male female

Nouns General animate -nɨ and -no Residual

Low animates and inanimates

shape and size, dimensionality, form, consistency, interioricity, function, quantification, others abstract -kɨno, -fue unspecified objects -kɨ, -ko, -ra

The rest

repeaters (for referents for which no classifiers exist) The fundamental work regarding the primary descriptions of the Witoto nominal classification system has been done by a brilliant Colombian linguist, Gabriele Petersen de Piñeros; see among others: Petersen de Piñeros (1994, 2004, 2007); Petersen de Piñeros and Patiño (2000). 1

3

The assignment of classifiers is based on the meaning of a noun referent and their properties. [1a-c] are examples of the physical property classifiers -na 'vertical, tree-like', -ro 'string' and -re 'place associated with certain plants'. Murui classifiers are shown in bold throughout this paper: [1]

a. ñekɨ-na type.of.palm-CLF:VERTICAL 'chambira tree (a type of palm tree [Astrocaryum chambira])'

classifiers with nouns

b. ñekɨ-ro type.of.palm-CLF:STRING 'a string made of chambira'

classifiers with nouns

c. ñekɨ-re type.of.palm-CLF:PLANT.PLACE 'place of chambira (where chambira grows, is planted)'

classifiers with nouns

Each classifier carries specific semantic load that is essential for its interpretation. Depending on the meaning of the referent, nouns can be associated with more than one classifier but there are semantic restrictions as to what types of classifiers nouns can be associated with, e.g. ñekɨ- 'chambira plant' as in ñekɨ-na 'chambira tree' cannot be possibly associated with the classifier -be 'leaf-like shape (oval, oblong)' because its leaves have a feather-like shape for which classifier -foro is used:

ñekɨ-foro

ñekɨ-na

*ñekɨ-be

The same (or almost the same) classifier form can be used in a variety of morphosyntactic contexts: on nouns themselves (as in the examples above) and on headlessly used modifiers: adjectives, pronouns, demonstratives, low numerals, interrogatives, anaphoric forms; they can also occur on a verb as a nominalizers (relativization strategy) [4]

mare-na be.good-CLF:VERTICAL 'good tree'

classifiers with adjectival modifiers

[5]

kue-do 1sg-CLF:SMALL.ROUND 'my seed'

classifiers with pronouns

4

[6]

bi-foro this-CLF:PALM.LEAF.SHAPE 'this leaf (feather-shaped palm leaf)'

[7]

da-na one.alone-CLF:VERTICAL 'one tree'

[8]

nɨ-do Q2-CLF:SMALL.ROUND 'which seed?'

[9]

i-no ana-CLF:SP.PLACE 'a place (specific)'

classifiers with demonstratives

classifiers with numerals

classifiers with interrogatives

classifiers with anaphoric forms

classifiers on verbs

[10] ebi-re-dɨ-mani be.beautiful-ADJZ-LK-CLF:BIG.RIVER 'a beautiful (big) river'

The important discourse function of Murui classifiers is reference-tracking. Classifiers are used anaphorically: headless NPs, accompanied by classifiers, function to retrieve the referential identity of ellipted arguments. Such headless NPs make reference to entities explicitly stated in the previous parts of the discourse. In [11] ebi-kaɨ 'beautiful fingers' refers back to previously mentioned ono-kaɨ 'fingers': [11] [kaɨ ono-kaɨ]s eo jea-re-d-e. O-kaɨ ebi-kaɨ! 1pl hand-CLF:STEM very ugly-ADJZ-LK-3 2sg-CLF:STEM be.beautiful-CLF:STEM 'Our fingers are very ugly. Yours are beautiful!' In some cases, such anaphoric referents are not even present in the discourse but are understood given the non-linguistic context and cultural knowledge of the speech participants. Murui show no agreement within an NP. Nominal modifiers are marked with a general classifier -e (allomorph -je) regardless of their semantics, animacy or number, e.g.: [12]

bi-e this-CLF:G 'this man'

NP: animate referent

ɨi-ma man-CLF:MASC

[13] bi-e ɨi-ma-nɨaɨ NP: animate referent with an overt number marker this-CLF:G man-CLF:MASC-COLL 'these men (general)' [14] da-je ñekɨ-na type.of.palm-CLF:VERTICAL one.alone-CLF:G 'one chambira tree'

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NP: inanimate referent

Within an equative clause (with two juxtaposed NPs) agreement is normally alliterative (classifier forms are repeated), as in [15]: [15] [bi-do]NP [jano-do]NP be.small-CLF:POINTED this-CLF:POINTED 'This seed is small (lit. this seed - small seed)'

alliterative agreement

In the example [16] the agreement is functional -ma vs. -mɨe. As it will be shown in §3.2 animate classifiers have different morphological contexts they occur in: [aiyo-mɨe]NP functional agreement [16] [bai-e uzu-ma]NP that-CLF:G grandparent-CLF:DER.MASC big.at.lot-CLF:PRON.MASC 'That grandfather is big (lit. that grandfather - big grandfather)' On very rare occasions the agreement can also be semantic. In [17], jo+fo 'house' does not agree with in form with anane-ko 'maloka'. Here the agreement is semantic: because it is a house, it requires a classifier -ko which is used for habitation and cover: [anane-ko]NP [17] [kue jo+fo]NP maloca-CLF:HOUSE 1sg house+CLF:CAVITY 'A maloka is my house (lit. my house - maloca)'

semantic agreement

Although the semantic agreement could be due to the lexicalized noun anane-ko in [17], jofo would still semantically agree even in contexts of heedlessly used modifiers, e.g. jano-ko 'small house'.

3.1 Physical property classifiers Physical property classifiers characterize non-human referents (mostly inanimate, some animate) mainly in terms of their physical properties. A sample of the semantics of physical property classifiers are illustrated in Diagram 2. The full list of Murui established classifiers is given in Table 3 and 4 in the Appendix A.

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Diagram 2. Semantics of Murui physical property classifiers with a sample of classifier forms

Shape and size Dimensionality

Form Physical property

Consistency

Interioricity

Function Quantification

Others

small, round -jɨ vertical, tree-like -na others leaf-like -be tuber -bɨ curved -o trunk -gɨ, -raɨ others liquid -ji powder-like -muikɨ thick substance -bɨ hole-like, cavity -fo house-like -ko cover -ko place associated with plants -re, -rei specific place -no time-cycle -rui, -vui bunch of objects -rue all -ga general -e far away, hill -du cassava -jɨ sack -yu big river -mani, stream -tue, kue(ra) bush -rɨ others

Some physical property classifiers can be homonymous in that they have the same form but different semantics, e.g. the classifier -bɨ means either a 'form of a tuber', as in maika-bɨ 'stem of sweet yucca maika-jɨ', or a 'thick substance', as in jaɨga-bɨ 'cahuana (type of drink)'. Some classifiers are also be polysemous (semantically related), e.g. the classifier -ko stands for round things, as in nofɨ-ko 'rock', but can also have a meaning of a 'cover, container', as in juye-ko 'pot (bowl made out of totumo fruit or gourd)', and it can be semantically extended further to mean 'house', e.g. taɨ-ko 'empty house'. Physical property classifiers have the same form in all the morphosyntactic environments. Given their forms, they can be divided as either mono- or disyllabic. Semantics of monosyllabic classifiers are somewhat more generic than those of the disyllabic classifiers, e.g.: monosyllabic classifier

[18] jibi-ru coca.powder-CLF:OVAL.CONTAINER 'container to keep coca powder'

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[19] rozi-doro pineapple-CLF:NODE.SHORT 'node of, petiole of pineapple (rozi-na 'pineapple tree')'

disyllabic classifier

The great majority of the Murui disyllabic classifiers appear to be concatenations of monosyllabic classifiers. In [20], the disyllabic classifier -beko 'flat' seems to have originated in the classifiers -be 'leaf-like' and -ko 'inanimate spherical objects, cover': [20] oma-beko tail-CLF:FLAT 'flat tail (of a fish)'

>

-be

CLF:LEAF

+

-ko

CLF:ROUND

The origin of many disyllabic classifiers is however not as semantically transparent as -beko. For example -mani that denotes big rivers, such as Kudu-mani which is one of the names for the great Putumayo river. It could possibly be related to the animate derivational classifier -ma for 'male human' and the classifier -ni (for longish straight forms). The degree of the grammaticalization of disyllabic classifiers remains difficult to assess. Disyllabic classifier forms can differ in how 'separable' speakers consider them to be and how they are used in different morphosyntactic contexts. For instance, for some speakers the derivation of dɨo-rojɨ 'seed of tobacco' can be either dysyllabic jano-rojɨ or monosyllabic jano-jɨ but not jano-ro: [21] dɨo-rojɨ > tobacco-CLF:ROUND.SMALL 'tobacco seed (round, small)'

jano-rojɨ be.small-CLF.ROUND.SMALL 'small (tobacco) seed (round, small)'

[22] dɨo-rojɨ > tobacco-CLF:ROUND.SMALL 'tobacco seed (round, small)'

jano-jɨ be.small-CLF.ROUNDISH.SMALL 'small (tobacco) seed (roundish, small)'

[23] dɨo-rojɨ > tobacco-CLF:ROUND.SMALL 'tobacco seed (round, small)'

! jano-ro be.small-CLF:STRING.RIGHT 'a small tobacco string'

In other cases the reduction disyllabic > monosyllabic is not possible at all without a change in the meaning. In the examples [24-26] the classifier -tiko 'very small, basket-shaped container' in kɨrɨ-tiko cannot be reduced to -ko occurring on the adjective with the ellipted head noun kɨrɨ- 'basket' (cf. [22]): [24] kɨrɨ-tiko basket-CLF:S.CONT 'tiny basket container'

>

jano-tiko be.small-CLF:CLF:S.CONT 'small tiny basket container'

[25] kɨrɨ-tiko

>

*jano-ti

[26] kɨrɨ-tiko basket-CLF:S.CONT 'small basket'

>

! jano-ko be.small-CLF:HOUSE, CLF:ROUND, CLF.REP:DOG 'small container, house, dog; not basket'

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Such 'inseparability' suggests a certain degree of grammaticalization through functional and formal fossilization of disyllabic classifiers and is possibly indicative of different stages of their development. It is possible to stack physical property classifiers in Murui. Such constructions can have up to four classifier positions, e.g.: [27] da-be-kuiro one.alone-CLF:LEAF-CLF:TENDER.FLEX 'five (lit. one side of (hand) palm)' [28] kue-ra-be-ni-ko write-CLF:NEUT-CLF:LEAF-CLF:LONG.FORM-CLF:NHUM 'notebook, specific, long in shape' In terms of ordering of classifiers in multiclassifier words, there appear to be different classifier sets that can be rearranged according to their semantics. [29] yera-ko-be liquid-tobacco-CLF:COVER-CLF:LEAF 'a leaf to wrap ambil (liquid tobacco)' [30] oma-be-ko tail-CLF:LEAF-CLF:ROUND 'flat tail (of a fish)'

3.2 Animate classifiers Animate classifiers distinguish natural gender: male and female; gender is thus an inherent part of the classifier system in Murui. 2 The forms of animate classifiers are shown in Table 1.

2

There is no general animate classifier that would be similar in function to general animate classifiers found in some other Northwest Amazonian languages, e.g. in Tariana (Arawak), Dâw (Makú), Sanuma (Yanomami) (Aikhenvald, 2003a). 9

Table 1. Animate classifiers Form

-ma

Gloss

Function

CLF:

DER.MASC

derivational

-ño

- mɨe

CLF:

natural gender (human): female vs. male; some animals and inanimate objects by association*

DER.FEM

CLF:

PRON.MASC

pronominal - ñaiño

Semantics

CLF:

PRON.FEM

natural gender: female vs. male (+ sex differentiable animals)

Example ɨi-ma (man-CLF:DER.MASC) 'man' mano-ri-raɨ-ma (heal-DUR-AGT-CLF:DER.MASC) 'healer' uzu-ma (grandparent-CLF:DER.MASC) 'grandfather' jɨgadɨ-ma (tapir-CLF:DER.MASC) 'tapir' mano-raɨ-ma (heal-AGT-CLF:DER.MASC) '(male) healer' rɨ+ño (woman-CLF:DER.FEM) 'woman' we-ño (frog-CLF:DER.FEM) 'frog' yofue-raɨ-ño (teach-AGT-CLF:DER.FEM) '(female) teacher' rɨ-a-ño (eat.meat-EVENT.NMZL-CLF:DER.FEM) '(female) white' i-mɨe (ANA-CLF:PRON.MASC) 'he' fɨ-ka-mɨe (rob-VAL.DECR-CLF:PRON.MASC) '(male) who was robbed' du-tɨ-mɨe (chew.coca-LK-CLF:PRON.MASC) '(male) who chews coca' jo+fo-mɨe (house+CLF:CAVITY-CLF:PRON.FEM) '(male) house owner' i-ñaiño (ana-CLF:PRON.FEM)'she' nai-ñaiño (ana.d-CLF:PRON.FEM)'that (female)' feto-ka-ñaiño (choose-VAL.DECR-CLF:PRON.FEM) 'chosen one (female)' jo+fo-ñaiño (house+CLF:CAVITY-CLF:PRON.FEM) 'house owner (female)'

* Nouns with non-human referents can also have a gender distinction: semantic assignment is not always transparent (see further this section).

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Morphosyntactic loci of marking - noun root + classifier; - numerals; - nominalized verbs with the event nominalization suffix, the agent nominalization -raɨ and directly on verbs (archaic)

- demonstratives; - interrogatives; - numerals; - anaphoric forms - derived nouns; - on verbs (relativization by nominalization)

While physical property classifiers have the same form in all the morphosyntactic environments, animate classifiers vary in form when they occur in different contexts; they are in paradigmatic opposition: - derivational animate classifiers occur with noun (root + classifier), low numerals and as certain types of nominalizers on verbs, - pronominal animate classifiers are used in other contexts such as (full) nouns, demonstratives, interrogatives, anaphoric forms and on verbs as nominalizers (relativization). The low numeral bound form da- 'one' can occur with both animate classifiers but when this happens there is a difference in its function. While in [31] it functions as a reflexive pronoun, in [32] it does not: [31] da-ño one.alone-CLF:DER.FEM 'female alone, on her own (reflexive)' [32] da-ñaiño one.alone-CLF:PRON.FEM 'one (female)'

3.2.1 Derivational animate classifiers The forms of the derivational animate classifiers are -ma for males and -ño for females. They occur on bound nominal forms: nouns (noun root + classifier), low numerals, additionally, on nominalized verbs, e.g.: noun root + classifier

[33] rɨ+ño woman+CLF:DER.FEM 'woman'

low numeral

[34] da-ma one.alone-CLF:DER.MASC '(male) alone, on his own (reflexive)' [35] fueo-raɨ-ño learn-AGT-CLF:DER.FEM '(female) apprentice'

nominalization

[36] rɨ-a-ma eat.meat-EVENT.NMZL-CLF:DER.MASC 'white man, Carijona man (lit. carnivore, meat-eater)'

nominalization

[37] dobe-ño crush-CLF:DER.FEM 'basin (to crush yucca in)'

nominalization

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Certain kinship terms, however, have a special property where these classifiers can be dropped in vocative forms (like in Tariana but unlike Tucano), e.g.: [38] ei-ño 'mother' uzu-ma 'grandfather'

> ei! 'mother!' > uzu! 'grandfather, grandmother!'

The referents of derivational animal classifiers are generally human. However, animals and inanimate objects can also be assigned to a gender by their perceived physical properties (such as size, dangerousness, shape, sex-related tasks) or their mythological associations. A number of examples are provided in [37-38]: [39] Animals and inanimate beings assigned to natural gender by their properties: dobe-ño yoe-ma jɨgadɨ-ma zuru-ma

(crush-CLF:DER.FEM) 'basin (to crush unprocessed yucca). This is a womenonly task. (ax-CLF:DER.MASC) 'ax'. Tree-cutting is considered to be a task of men. (tapir-CLF:DER.MASC) 'tapir'. It is related to hunting of big and dangerous animals. (tapir.small-CLF:DER.MASC) 'tapir (type small)'. It is related to hunting.

[40] Animals and inanimate beings assigned to natural gender by mythological associations ue-ño jorei-ño

(frog-CLF:DER.FEM) 'certain kind of frog' (shadow-CLF:DER.FEM) 'spirit'

Nowadays, reasons for such assignments are frequently opaque. With the increasing influence of Christianity, and subsequent decrease of the traditional knowledge, it has become more difficult to understand the linguistic ideology behind gender assignment for animals and inanimate objects, e.g. ñeñi-ño 'armadillo', rufu-ño 'stone ax' and yɨko-ma 'clitoris' (gender is given to some body parts possibly on a taboo principle; in some Australian languages male and female body parts are given the opposite gender; see Evans, 1994). Other body parts: mei-fo (CLF:CAVITY) for 'vagina'.

3.2.2 Pronominal animate classifiers Their forms are -mɨe for males and -ñaiño for females. The Murui pronominal animate classifiers are in paradigmatic opposition with derivational animate classifiers and occur in a variety of morphosyntactic environments: on full nouns, with adjectives, demonstratives, low numerals', various types of anaphoric prefixes, interrogatives, as well as on verbs (relativization strategy through nominalization), e.g.: [41] jo+fo-ñaiño house+CLF:CAVITY-CLF:PRON.FEM 'house wife (lit. house-she)'

full noun

[42] jano-ñaiño be.small-CLF:PRON.FEM 'small (female)'

adjective

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demonstrative

[43] bi-ñaiño this-CLF:PRON.FEM 'she, this (female)'

anaphoric

[44] i-ñaiño ANA-CLF:PRON.FEM 'she' [45] da-mɨe one.alone-CLF:PRON.MASC 'one (male)'

low numeral

[46] bu-mɨe Q1-CLF:PRON.MASC 'who (male)?'

interrogative

on verb

[47] fɨ-ka-ñaiño rob-VAL.DECR-CLF:PRON.FEM 'one (female) who was stolen, taken'

The Murui pronominal animate classifiers seem to have been derived historically from the derivational animate classifiers. There is certain relatedness between these forms: [48] -ño -ñaiño

-ma -mɨe

(CLF:DER.FEM) (CLF:PRON.FEM)

(CLF:DER.MASC) (CLF.PRON.MASC)

3.2.3 Other types of classifiers with animate reference Murui has a number of other classifiers that have animate reference but do not have the natural gender distinction. Among these classifiers there are two forms that attract attention because of their semantics and morphosyntactic distribution: the classifier -no that occurs on nominalized verbs (relativization) and can denote a group of animate beings, as in [49], and the classifier -nɨ that occurs in contexts of the derivational animate classifiers and denotes a group of people or a clan, as in [50-51]: [49]

bi-tɨ-mɨe come-LK-CLF:PRON.MASC 'one (male) who came'

>

bi-tɨ-no come-LK-CLF:COLL.ANIM 'those who came'

[50]

nɨmai-raɨ-ma be.wise-AGT-CLF:DER.MASC 'wise (man)'

>

nɨmai-raɨ-nɨ be.wise-AGT-CLF:CLF.HUMAN 'wise (men)'

[51]

gɨdo-nɨ aime-nɨ da-nɨ '

'Cricket clan' 'Curassow [Pauxi pauxi] clan ' 'a group alone (reflexive)'

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The classifiers -no and -nɨ are plural counterparts of the derivational and pronominal animate classifiers but they are functionally slightly different. They are not gender-sensitive and do not mark number. The classifier -nɨ for 'collective human' cannot mark plural meanings of forms that are followed with derivational animate classifiers, e.g.: [52]

rɨ+ño 'woman' uzu-ma 'grandfather'

*rɨ-nɨ *uzu-nɨ

but but

rɨ+ñuaɨ 'women' uzu-tɨaɨ 'grandparents'

The classifier -no for 'collective animates' has only one morphosyntactic context: it occurs with nominalized verbs, such as bi-tɨ-no 'those who came' in [49]. It is a homonymous classifier in that that -no denotes a (specific) place when it is used in all the other morphosyntactic contexts: [53]

da-no be-no taɨ-no

(one.alone-CLF:SP.PLACE) 'one place' (here-CLF:SP.PLACE) 'here' (vain-CLF:SP.PLACE) 'nothingness, place with nothing'

Murui has other classifiers with animate referents, -zaɨ, -ta and -to (see Table 4 in Appendix). Functionally they behave like normal physical property classifiers.

3.3 Unique classifiers Murui has two types of classifiers with 'unique' semantics that designate either: a) abstract concepts or b) unspecified inanimate objects. Their typical function is deverbal and deadjectival nominalization. Unique classifiers occur very frequently in every-day discourse. They occur in all the morphosyntactic contexts like normal classifiers. They vary in whether they can be further accompanied by other classifiers, inflected for case and number.

3.3.1 Abstract concepts There is a small set of two physical property classifiers that derive abstract concepts from nouns, verbs and adjectives. These are the disyllabic classifier -kɨno meaning 'narrative, news, instruction, oral transfer' and the classifier -fue 'story, dance', e.g. [54] izi-rui-ya-kɨno maɨjɨ-ra-kɨno yera-kɨno moni-fue ra-fue ua-fue

'love' (admire-TRANS-EVENT.NMLZ-CLF:UNIQ) 'an instruction/story of work' (work-CLF:NEUT-CLF:NEWS) 'story of/about yera (lit. liquid tobacco)' (liquid.tobacco-CLF:UNIQ) 'nourishment, economy' (be.in.abundance-CLF.UNIQ) 'dance, story' (thing-CLF.UNIQ) 'truth' (true-CLF.UNIQ)

1) the abstract classifier -kɨno - the morphological composition of the disyllabic unique classifier -kɨno is neither semantically transparent nor can it be divided into a meaningful linear sequence of distinct morphemes -kɨ and -no: [55] -kɨ

meaning CLF:SMALL.ROUND e.g. jagai-kɨ 'fruit of jagai-rai'; jime-kɨ 'fruit of peach-palm [Bactris gasipaes]' meaning CLF:INHERENT e.g. jafai-kɨ 'breath'; maɨri-kɨ 'strenght, effort'; jiya-kɨ 'origin'; mame-kɨ 'name' 14

-no

meaning CLF:SP.PLACE batɨ-no 'place far away'; dɨ-no 'place over there'; raɨ-ra-no 'place to sit down' meaning CLF:COLL.ANIMATE Mɨnɨka-tɨ-no 'the Mɨnɨka people (lit. those who are Mɨnɨka)'

2) the abstract classifier -fue - synchronically, the classifier -fue has a recognizable origin, it is derived from the free form fue meaning 'mouth': mouth > story > dance. This fact implies that at least some of these classifiers must have historically originated in full nouns; similarly to the origin of classifiers in Yagua (Peba-Yagua), Miraña (Bora) and other languages in Northwest Amazonia (Aikhenvald, 2003a, 2007; Payne, 2007; Seifart, 2007).

3.3.2 Concrete concepts There is a small set of classifiers in Murui that have special properties and functions: these are the classifier -kɨ with overtones of 'possession or inherent feature'; the classifier -ko denoting 'various types of objects' and the classifier -ra denoting 'unspecified inanimate concrete objects', e.g.: possession or inherent feature

[56] mame-kɨ kome-kɨ uru-kɨ jai-o-kɨ ono-yɨ-kɨ

'name' (name-CLF:INHER) 'heart' (new.recent-CLF:INHRN) 'children' (uru-e 'children')' 'song of snake' (snake-CLF:FLEX-CLF:INHER) 'doll' (hand-CLF-CLF:INHER)

[57] gui-ra-ko ono-ko-be kue-ra-be-ni-ko uie-ko dui-ko rɨaɨ-ko

'plate' (eat-CLF:NEUT-CLF:NHUM) various types of objects 'nails' (hand-CLF:NHUM-CLF:LEAF) 'notebook'(write-CLF:NEUT-CLF:LEAF-CLF:LONG-CLF:NHUM) 'face' (face-CLF:NHUM) 'illness' (illness-CL:NHUM) 'leg'

[58] jai-ra to-ra-fo naɨ-ya-ra mano-ra ra-rue

'ladder' (go-CLF:NEUT) unspecified inanimate concrete objects 'water drain' (flow-CL:NEUT-CL:HOLE) 'topic (lit. speaking thing)' (speak-EVENT.NMZL-CLF:NEUT) 'tablet, pastille' (heal-CLF:NEUT) 'things' (things-CLF:IANIM.MANY')

The classifier -ra originates in a free form ra meaning 'thing' and has various derivational and linker-like functions (verbal stem-classifier).

3.4 Repeaters In Murui, nouns with non-human referents can be used in the classifier slot in various morphological environments. Such repeaters have been reported for other South American languages, such as Tariana, Tucanoan, Bora and Guahibo languages (Aikhenvald, 2003a; Seifart, 2005). Repeaters do not classify nouns; they just occur in the classifier slot. Their interpretations are semantically very limited: each repeater refers to only one particular entity. Classifiers and repeaters are mutually exclusive. 15

It is yet unclear what size the repeater set is in Murui; possibly it is semi-open as any underived noun with an inanimate referent and no additional nominal morphology can be used as a repeater. A repeater conveys the exact same meaning as a noun they refer back to showing strong semantic constrains for their interpretations (they are also referred to as 'specific classifiers' in the literature). Semantically, they are used like residue classifiers that are used for objects for which no classifier exists (this is especially visible in the loan words). Murui repeaters are used with adjectives, quantifiers, demonstratives, numerals, various types of anaphoric prefixes, interrogatives and also on verbs as nominalizers. The following examples illustrate repeaters of nokae 'canoe', jazikɨ 'jungle' and semana 'week' (Spanish loan): adjective with repeater

[59] mare-mana be.good-CLF.REP:WEEK 'good week'

quantifier with repeater

[60] aiyo-kae big.a.lot-CLF.REP:CANOE 'big canoe'

demonstrative with repeater

[61] bi-zikɨ this-CLF.REP:JUNGLE 'this jungle'

numeral with repeater

[62] da-kae one.alone-CLF.REP:CANOE 'one canoe'

anaphoric with repeater

[63] i-mana ANA-CLF.REP:WEEK 'any week'

interrogative with repeater

[64] nɨ-mana Q2-CLF.REP:WEEK 'which week?'

Repeaters do not occur on modifiers when a head noun is present as there is no agreement within an NP in Murui (see §3). In the following example [65], the noun is modified with the numeral da- 'one', followed by the allomorph of the general classifier -je. The repeater -zo refers back to the omitted noun naɨ-zo 'path': [65] da-je one.alone-CLF:G 'one small path'

jano-zo be.small-CLF.REP:PATH

The form of a repeater depends on the syllabic composition of the source noun. Murui has partial repeaters only (no full repeater forms have yet been found). If a noun is disyllabic, the repeater will be monosyllabic, e.g. jɨko 'jaguar, dog' > bi-ko 'this dog'; naɨzo 'path' > bi-zo 'this path'. If a noun is polysyllabic, the form of a repeater is always disyllabic, e.g. naɨzie 'clan' > bizie 'this clan'. Historically some classifiers might have originated in repeaters. It might seem somewhat difficult to distinguish Murui repeaters from the 'true' classifiers. Ways of differentiating between are outlined in Table 2. 16

Table 2. Established classifiers vs. repeaters Parameter Morphosyntactic properties Semantics Classifier stacking Repeater stacking Double marking Availability of referents

Established classifiers usually used with anaphoric prefixes or the neutral classifier -ra generic yes no can have animate and inanimate objects as referents

Others

speakers do not know the noun origin

Notes

classifiers and repeaters are mutually exclusive

Repeaters cannot be used with anaphoric prefixes or the neutral classifier -ra a unique single referent no no no cannot have human referents speakers know immediately from what full noun the repeaters are derived Spanish loans become easily incorporated into the repeater system

5. Summary Murui has a large multiple classifiers system, similarly to other neighbouring languages spoken in the vicinity of the Vaupés linguistic area. The classifiers are bound suffixes that can be defined as sets of morphemes that are used in various morphosyntactic contexts: on adjectival modifiers, quantifiers, pronouns, demonstratives, low numerals, interrogatives and anaphoric forms, as well as on nouns and on verbs. Murui nouns can be divided into those that have classifiers and those that have repeaters. According to their function, semantics and the morphosyntactic contexts that they occur in, classifiers can be divided into the following types: physical property classifiers (denote among others shape, size, form, interioricity, consistency, function, quantification and other meanings); animate classifiers (distinguish natural gender, male - female); unique classifiers (they are semantically unique as their designate abstract concepts and unspecified inanimate objects); and repeaters (nouns with inanimate referents and no additional nominal morphology). The assignment of classifiers is generally based the meaning of a noun referent and their properties. Three major functions of Murui classifiers are: 1) derivation of nominal stems, 2) formation of nominal modifiers, and 3) functioning as nominalizers in relative constructions. The important discourse function of Murui classifiers is reference-tracking. A summary of Murui classifier system is shown in Table 3 in the Appendix A. Appendix B is a brief description of nominal classification systems in Northwest Amazonia. Abbreviations A transitive subject; ABL ablative; ABILTV abilitative; ADJZ adjectivizer; ADVZ adverbialiser; AGT agentive; ANA general anaphoric i (functionally unmarked); ANIM animate i; ASS associative; C consonant; CAUS causative; CLF classifier; COLL collective; CONJ conjunction; D distal or possessed; DECR decreasing; DEM demonstrative; DEON deontic; DER derivational; DES desiderative; du dual; DUR durative; EVENT event; EMPH emphatic; FEM female; FOC focus; FUT future; G generic, general; HAB habitual; HUM human referent; IMP imperative; INCP inceptive; INHRN inherent; INTERJ interjection; INS instrumental; LK linker; LINK clause linking; LOC locative; MASC male; N non-; NEG negative/negation; NMLZ nominalization; NP noun phrase; NUM lexical number word; O object; ORT oriented; P possessor; pl plural; PLC place; PP plural participants; PRED predicate; PRIV privative; PRG progressive; PUR purposive; Q1 question marker bu; Q2 question marker nɨ; RED reduplication; REP repeater; S intransitive subject; SP specific; TRANS transformative; V vowel/verb; VAL valency; X non-core arguments. 17

References Aikhenvald, A. Y. (2003a). Classifiers: A Typology of Noun Categorization Devices. New York: Oxford University Press. Aikhenvald, A. Y. (2003b). A Grammar of Tariana, from Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Aikhenvald, A. Y. (2007). Classifiers in Multiple Environments: Baniwa of Içana/Kurripako—A North Arawak Perspective. International Journal of American Linguistics, 73(4), 474-500. Aikhenvald, A. Y. (2012). The languages of the Amazon. New York: Oxford University Press. Aikhenvald, A. Y., & Green, D. (1998). Palikur and the Typology of Classifiers. Anthropological Linguistics, 40(3), 429-480. Epps, P. (2012). Between headed and headless relative clauses. In B. Comrie & Z. EstradaFernández (Eds.), Relative Clauses in Languages of the Americas: A typological overview (Vol. 102, pp. 191-211). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Evans, N. (1994). The problem of body parts and noun class membership in Australian languages. University of Melbourne Working Papers in Linguistics, 14, 1-8. Fagua Rincón, D. (2013). Clasificación nominal en ocaina (witoto): clases de núcleos, género y sufijos clasificatorios de discretización. Payne, D. L. (2007). Source of the Yagua Nominal Classification System. International Journal of American Linguistics, 73(4), 447-474. Petersen de Piñeros, G. (1994). La lengua uitota en la obra de K. Th. Preuss: Aspectos fonológicos y morfosintácticos. Bogotá: Editorial Universidad Nacional. Petersen de Piñeros, G. (2004). Estructuras nominales y verbales en uitoto. Amerindia: Revue d'ethnolinguistique amérindienne, 29-30, 141-158. Petersen de Piñeros, G. (2007). Nominal classification in Uitoto. Petersen de Piñeros, G., & Patiño, C. (2000). El idioma uitoto. In G. M. Pérez & M. Rodríguez (Eds.), Lenguas indígenas de Colombia: Una visión descriptiva (pp. 219-238). Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo. Ramirez, H. (1997). A Fala Tukano dos Ye'pa-Masa (Vol. 1). Manaus: Inspetoria Salesiana Missionária da Amazônia CEDEM. Rodrigues, A. D. (1999). Macro-Jê. In A. Y. Aikhenvald & R. M. W. Dixon (Eds.), The Amazonian languages (pp. 165-201). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seifart, F. (2005). The structure and use of shape-based noun classes in Miraña (North West Amazon). Nijmegen: Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics. Seifart, F. (2007). The prehistory of nominal classification in Witotoan languages. International Journal of American Linguistics, 73(4), 411-445. Seifart, F., & Payne, D. L. (2007). Nominal Classification in the North West Amazon: Issues in areal diffusion and typological characterization. International Journal of American Linguistics, 74(4), 381-387. Sorensen, A. P. (1967). Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon. American Anthropologist, 69, 670-684. Stenzel, K. (2005). Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon, Revisited. Paper presented at the Memorias del Congreso de Idiomas Indígenas de Latinoamérica-II 27 – 29 de octubre de 2005, University of Texas at Austin.

18

Appendix: A Table 1. Murui multiple classifier system - an overview

Size of the system Kind of the system

Morphosyntactic loci

Physical property classifiers large (< 80) closed

-nouns -adjectival modifiers -quantifiers -pronouns (1, 2 sg, du, pl) -demonstratives -low numerals -interrogatives -anaphoric forms -nominalized verbs with the event nominalization suffix agentive -raɨ and directly on verbs (archaic)

Animate classifiers small (4-9) closed 1) pronominal: -adjectival modifiers -quantifiers -demonstratives -low numerals -interrogatives -anaphoric forms - verbs (nominalization) - full nouns

Semantics

Size, form, shape, dimensionality, function, others

2) derivational -low numerals (reflexive) -nouns (noun root + classifier) -nominalized verbs with the event nominalization suffix, the agent nominalization -raɨ and directly on verbs (archaic) Natural-gender: male vs female; other principles for non-human referents

Interrelations with other categories

Classifier stacking possible

Number

Other properties

monosyllabic and disyllabic in form

1

Unique classifiers small (~5) closed

-adjectival modifiers -quantifiers -pronouns (1, 2 sg, du, pl) -demonstratives -low numerals -interrogatives -anaphoric forms -full nouns -on verbs

Abstract notions; unspecified inanimate objects No number marking (some)

Repeaters large semi-open (inanimate only)

-adjectival modifiers -quantifiers -pronouns (1, 2 sg, du, pl) -demonstratives -low numerals -interrogatives -anaphoric forms -verbs (nominalization)

A unique single referent classifiers and repeaters are mutually exclusive Cannot have human referents; Spanish loans become easily incorporated into the repeater system

Table 3. Forms, meanings and examples of the established (monosyllabic) classifiers in Murui (preliminary version)

Form Gloss A. Form and shape -ba CLF:SURFACE -be

CLF:LEAF

-bɨ -da

CLF:STEM.TUBEROUS CLF:LONG.STRAIGHT

-do

CLF:POINTED

-du

CLF:HILL

-e

CLF:G

-fe -fo

CLF:CAVITY

-fue -ga -gai -gaɨ -gɨ

CLF:STRING CLF:MOUTH

CLF:UNIQ.STORY CLF:ALL CLF:NODE CLF:CORD.STRING CLF:TRUNK.THICK CLF:OVAL

-go

CLF:BENT

-jɨ

1) CLF:CASAVA 2) CLF:TUBER 3) CLF:SMALL.ROUND

-kaɨ

CLF:STEM

Meaning

Examples

surface of an object plain and thin objects, similar to common type of leaves (oval and oblong) stem of certain trees, tuberous in form long, straight, stick-like splinter, thorn, form of a seed, roundish but pointed type of shape 1) objects far away, hill

eɨ-ba (foot-CLF:SURFACE) 'sole of foot' jibi-be 'coca leaf'; dɨo-be 'tobacco leaf'; muze-be 'maraca leaf'; ra-be 'paper'; uku-be 'money' maika-bɨ 'stem of sweet yucca maika-jɨ' jɨgui-da 'baton'; yɨzai-da 'thin trunk of a palm tree' e-do 'thorn, splinter'; nome-do 'fruit of aguacate (nome-na 'avocado tree')'; izi-do 'tooth'; zɨkoro-do 'penis'; mui-do 'top, end point of the house' i-du 'height, hill, peak, mountain'; uku-du 'stars' jibi-e 'coca (general, processed; powder)'; enɨ-e 'land, ground'; dɨ-e 'blood'; izi-e 'teeth (izi-do 'tooth)'; i-e '(anaphoric) referring in the discourse' iñekɨro-fe 'fiber of chambira (cumare)'; ñotao-fe 'fibra of ñotakaɨ (used for knitting)' kɨi-fo 'bee hive'; je-fo 'ear'; do-fo 'nose'; jo+fo 'house' 1) iye-fue 'river mouth' 2) moni-fue 'nourishment, economy'; ra-fue 'dance, story'; ua-fue 'truth' na-ga 'all'; na-ga ama-ga 'four (lit. all brothers'), na-ga ra 'all the things' dɨo-gai 'node, branch of tobacco', jibi-gai 'tree node of the coca tree' namobe-gaɨ ' (ripe) chambira cord'; ñekɨ-gaɨ 'chambira cord'; foi-gaɨ 'canangucho cord' 1) dɨo-gɨ 'tobacco trunk' 2) jebe-gɨ 'belly, stomach'; ɨfo-gɨ 'head'; je-gɨ 'egg'; une-gɨ 'beehive' ogo-do 'banana'; jebe-go 'guts, intestine' 1) airɨ-jɨ 'cassava (ready to be served)' 2) juiyɨ-jɨ 'yucca tuber'; jakai-jɨ 'yam [Dioscorea] type I tuber'; refi-jɨ 'batata' 3) komai-jɨ 'milpesos seed'; jiñi-jɨ 'testicles'; dɨo-jɨ 'tobacco seed'; koniyɨ-jɨ 'sand grain' gonono-kaɨ 'stem of the sweet cane'; oma-kaɨ (tail-CLF:STEM) 'animal’s tail'; dɨo-kaɨ 'cigarette'; rɨño-kaɨ (woman+CLF:STEM) 'thumb'; eɨ-kaɨ (foot-CLF:STEM) 'toe'

unspecified for shape, form, size, general form of a strap, a belt or a band cavity form; shape of a hole 1) mouth 2) story, dance all, collective tree node, branch form of a string, cord (have been knitted) 1) form of a trunk 2) objects with an oval shape bent in form 1) cassava 2) specific type of roots with a tuber shape 3) small, round (mainly seed, fruit or roots) stem of certain trees, straight, not thick, long in relation to width, elongated, smooth

2

1) container type, object that covers, typically rounded, spherical or cylindrical 2) house 3) round, like-stone 4) various types of inanimate objects

-ko

1) CLF:COVER 2) CLF:HOUSE 3) CLF:ROUND 4) UNIQ.NHUM

-kɨ

1) CLF:SMALL.ROUND 2) CLF:UNIQ.INHERENT

-kue

CLF:BIG.STREAM

-na

CLF:TREE

vertical, long, rigid object (tree-like)

-o

CLF:FLEX

long, flexible, form of rope, string, cord

-raɨ

CLF:TRUNK

-rei -ro -roi

CLF:KNITTED

-ru

-rɨ -tue -zi -zɨ

CLF:STRING CLF:CLOTHES

1) fruit of certain palm trees (small, round) 2) inherent animate and inanimate objects river, stream (not very wide)

1) type of trunk 2) tree bark objects that have been knitted very thin, long, straight, string-like flexible objects (clothes)

CLF:OVAL.CONTAINER CLF:OVAL

1) oval totuma-shaped containers 2) oval shape

1) CLF:BUSH 2) TIED.UP

1) trunk, bush 2) an object tied up (e.g. in a leaf)

CLF:RIVER CLF:MANY CLF:FRUIT.TYPE1

small river, stream 1) many of a kind, plurality of objects fruits

1) i-ko 'something that covers, e.g. helmet'; dɨo-ko 'tobacco container'; jibi-ko 'coca container'; juye-ko 'pot (bowl made out of totumo fruit or gourd)' 2) ana-ne-ko (below-DEM.LOC-CL:COVER) 'maloca'; taɨ-ko 'empty house' 3) nofɨ-ko 'rock, La Chorrera' 4) dui-ko 'illness'; uie-ko 'face' 1) jagai-kɨ 'fruit of jagai-rai'; jime-kɨ 'fruit of peach-palm [Bactris gasipaes]'; dɨo-kɨ 'tobacco seeds' 2) yera-kɨ 'container for liquid tobacco (to carry)'; uru-kɨ 'many children (uru-e); komekɨ (new-CLF:INHER) 'heart'; jafai-kɨ 'breath'; maɨri-kɨ 'strenght'; jiya-kɨ 'origin' Uiyo-kue 'Cara-Parana river (tributary to Putumayo)'; Mɨne-kue 'river of the clan Meɨne' ame-na 'tree (general)'; zirɨko-na 'grape tree'; jibi-na 'coca tree'; ñekɨ-na 'chambira tree'; ugu-na 'liana tree [Compositae Mikania puberula]' una-o 'liana type [Malpighiaceae Banisteriopsis]'; ugu-o 'liana type [Compositae Mikania puberula]'; jai-o 'snake'; nui-o 'river snake'; zuru-o 'jungle snake' 1) jɨfo-raɨ 'type of tree trunk'; jifi-raɨ 'trunk of the ají tree'; gogui-raɨ 'main house mast'; jibi-raɨ 'cut cocoa root' 2) fuia-raɨ 'collected barbasco bark'; igo-raɨ 'bark of the palo del monte' i-rei 'a form of a knitted object' ñekɨ-ro 'string of chambira' ɨni-roi 'clothes'; ɨnɨ-ra-roi 'sleeping sheet' 1) jibi-ru 'container to keep coca powder'; yera-ru 'yera kept in a totuma'; muze-ru 'maraca 'container' 2) oma-ru (tail-CLF:OVAL) 'tail of a spider (oval shape)' 1) ogo-rɨ 'trunk of banana tree'; zogo-rɨ 'bush that grow close to zogoi (water pit)'; beya-rɨ 'maize tree'; peque-rɨ 'small grass, small plants'; yokɨ-rɨ 'yucca pulp' 2) moto-rɨ, peque-rɨ (Sp. peque peque) 'boat motor' Ko-tue 'Igara-Parana river'; iye-tue 'small streams' 1) ogo-zi (banana-CLF:MANY) 'many bananas' neka-zɨ 'umari type I'; nemo-zɨ 'umari type II'

3

-yaɨ

CLF:WRAP.TOGETHER

-yu

CLF:SACK CLF:HELP

-yɨ

CLF:FRUIT.TYPE2 CLF:PLANT

something heaped up, piled up, wrapped up together form of a sack 1) objects used to help (unclear) 2) fruit 3) small plant

dɨo-yaɨ 'tobacco seed heaped up together'; jibi-yaɨ 'sowed coca piled up, wrapped up' ɨni-yu (CLOTHES-CLF:SACK) 'sack of clothes'; boza-yu 'big sack'; fai-yu 'nest of the mochilero bird [Psarocolius] (it looks like a sack)' 1) ono-yɨ 'hand'; ei-yɨ 'foot' 2) rozi-yɨ 'pineapple'; jifiko-yɨ 'caimo fruit' 3) ñekɨ-yɨ 'small chambira plant (Sp. plantita)'

B. Functional properties and structure -bɨ

CLF:SUBS

thick substance

-ji

CLF:SAP

sap, not thick; water-like

-no

CLF:SP.PLACE

-re CL:PLACE.PLANT -rei C. Quantification -rue

CLF:THINGS

-rui

CLF:DAY

-vui

CLF:TIME.CYCLE

objects located in a (specific) space place, a field, an opening in the jungle associated with certain plants to sow/plant 1) bunch of inanimate objects 2) relating to celebration, songs time cycle of one day (when the light is out) time cycle of usually a month

jaɨga-bɨ 'cahuana (type of drink)'; yera-bɨ 'liquid tabacco when it is thick'; rozi-bɨ 'cahuana made of pineapple'; neka-bɨ 'cahuana made of umari type I' dɨo-ji 'sap of tobacco'; bora-ji (yellow-CLF:SAP) 'gasoline'; gonono-ji (canela-CLF:SAP) 'aguardiente made of gonono-na; monai-ya-ji 'sea'; boya-ji 'urine' taɨ-no 'nothingness, a place without anything'; be-no (HERE-CLF:SPEC.PLACE) 'here (this place)'; nai-no 'spot'; batɨ-no 'place'; mei-no 'vagina' ñekɨ-re 'place of chambira (Sp. chambiral)'; ogo-re 'banana plantation'; dɨo-re 'place to sow coca'; jifi-rei 'place to sow ají'; jibi-rei 'place to sow coca' 1) bu-rue (Q-CLF:THINGS) 'what things? (e.g. food)'; ra-rue 'things' 2) yera-rue 'term relating to a fest, song' yera-rui 'the day when yera (liquid tobacco is sent out); mo i-rui (father ANA-CLF:DAY) 'the day of the Lord'; nɨ-rui (Q-CLF:DAY) 'which day?' related to fɨvui 'moon'

4

Table 4. Forms, meanings and examples of the established (disyllabic) classifiers in Murui (preliminary version)

Form Gloss A. Form and shape -begɨ CLF:POT -bani CLF:PLANK -beko CLF:FLAT -bero CLF:PIECE -bezi CLF:FLAT.FLEX -bikiiii -bɨkɨ

CLF:LONG

-bɨrɨ

CLF:SITE

-bogɨ -buku -cheko -doro

CLF:BALL.LIKE CLF:BASKET.LIKE CL:FLOWER CLF:NODE

-dozi

CLF:STICK

-fako

CLF:LONG.POINTY

-foro

CLF:FEATHER.SHAPED

-gɨroɨ -gudo -kojɨ -kobe -kɨrɨ

CLF:WORM.SHAPED

-kuiro

CLF:SPLINTER CLF:COVER.ROUND CLF:LEAF.COVER CLF:THIN.SMALL

1) CLF:RIND 2) CLF:TENDER.FLEX

Meaning

Examples

piece of pottery, pot longer piece of an object, plank-shaped flat masa, piece flexible, flat

i-begɨ 'pot' bɨi-ra-bani (lay.down-CLF:NEUT-CLF:PLANK) 'plank to lay down' oma-beko 'flat tail (of an animal)' yera-bero 'masa, piece of yera (liquid tobacco)' oma-be-zi (tail-CLF:LEAF-CLF:FEXIBLE) 'fish tail'

long; form of a table, board; used for both animate and inanimate objects site, location, place; form of a courtyard; ground in the maloca round shape, fat; ball-like form of a basket flower of a plant node, petiole of a plant long and thin, slender, in a form of a tree branch/stick long and pointy (tail-like shape)

i-bɨkɨ 'form of a table, board'; raɨ-ra-bɨkɨ (sit-CLF:NEUT-CLF:LONG) 'sit, plank' oma-bɨkɨ (tail-CLF:LONG) 'long tail (of an animal)' komui-ya-bɨrɨ (grow-NMLZ-CLF:SITE) 'place where ancestors grew'; naɨraɨ-bɨrɨ (clanCLF:SITE) 'ground in front of maloca'; jibi-bɨrɨ 'ground inside malocas' fare-bogɨ 'ball of fat'; me-bogɨ 'something round, heavy'; oma-bogɨ 'fat tail' i-buku 'small basket' dɨo-cheko 'flower of tobacco plant' rozi-doro 'node, petiole of pineapple (rozi-na 'pineapple tree')' jibi-dozi 'coca stick'; jizɨ-dozi 'think stick of a shiringa (rubber) tree'; efɨ-dozi 'palito de muena'; ñekɨ-dozi' think stick of chambira' oma-fako (tail-CLF:LONG.POINTY) 'tail of a lizard' i-foro 'form of a palm leaf'; ñekɨ-foro ' chambira leaf [Astrocaryum chambira]'; jime-foro 'chontaduro leaf'; kɨne-foro 'canangucho leaf' i-gɨroɨ 'form of a worm'; izi-gɨroɨ 'tooth-gusano (in a story)' i-gudo 'needle, splinter' jibi-kojɨ 'coca container very small' ono-ko-be 'finger nails'; eɨ-ko-be 'toe nails' jɨko-kɨrɨ 'small thin dog' 1) i-kuiro 'banana skin'; clothes 2) nofo-kuiro 'trunk, snout of an animal'; ono-kuiro (hand-CLF:COVER) 'hand palm'; da-bekuiro 'five (lit. one hand palm)'

feather-leaved shape worm-like shape shape of a needle, splinter small (?round) container leaf-like covers thin, small in shape 1) objects that cover; rind, fruit skin 2) soft, smooth, tender, flexible movement

5

-kuera

CLF:STREAM

-mani

CLF:BIG.RIVER

very big river

-muikɨ

CLF:POWDER

powder-like

-nita

CLF:LONG.SQUARE

long, square

-rojɨ

CLF:ROUND.SMALL

small, round

stream

i-ye-kuera 'stream (Sp. caño)' i-mani 'big river (e.g. like the Amazon river)'; Uifɨdɨ-mani 'one of the names for the Putumayo river'; Kudu-mani 'one of the names for the Putumayo river'; Kaɨ-manɨ 'Caqueta river'; Uidodo-mani 'Amazon river' i-muikɨ 'powder, ash'; jibi-muikɨ 'coca powder'; komai-jɨ i-muikɨ 'powder of the milpesos fruit [Oenocarpus bataua]' ra-nita (CLF:NEUT-CLF:LONG.SQUARE) 'mat' dɨo-rojɨ 'seed of tobacco, round, small'; jibi-rojɨ 'coca powder put in a small ball'; yerarojɨ 'yera (liquid tobacco) mixed in a shape of a ball' i-rokɨ 'form of a bush, shrub, grass'; dɨo-rokɨ 'tobacco plant ready to be transported'; jibirokɨ 'freshly mature coca' kɨrɨ-tiko 'very small basket' i-tofe 'piece of the branch of yucca that one sows'; jɨaɨ-tofe 'other generation'; ana bai-tofe (below THAT-CLF:NODE.TYPE) former generation' i-tɨraɨ 'fur, hair'; ɨfogɨ-tɨraɨ 'hair of the head' dɨo-yeba 'bunch of tobacco'

plant, shrub, bush (ready to be transported, taken) -tiko CLF:S.CONT very small basket-like shaped container kind of a node, branch (meaning can be -tofe CLF:NODE.TYPE extended to mean e.g. 'generation') -tɨraɨ CLF:HAIR refers to hair, fur -yeba CLF:BUNCH a bouquet of, a bunch of (Sp. ramillete) B. Functional properties and structure -bero CLF:MASS small size, dough consistency juiyɨ-bero 'small mass of yucca' -zeko CLF:OLD old objects kɨrɨ-zeko 'old basket' -rokɨ

CLF:BUSH

Table 5. Murui classifiers with animate meaning (preliminary version)

Form

Gloss

-nɨ

CLF:COLL.HUMAN

-no

CLF:COLL.ANIMATES

-za -zaɨ -to

CLF:IMMATURE

CLF:IMMATURE.FEM CLF:BEING CLF:HUMAN.MALE

Meaning other clan, other people, collective (male if not specified) humans collective (male if not specified); humans and animals (possibly cover du and pl) 1) immature animate (human or animals), plurality of referent 2) immature females related to animate beings related to son

Examples gɨdo-nɨ ' Cricket clan'; Naime-nɨ 'Pineapple clan'; maɨjɨ-raɨ-nɨ '(a group of) workers'; jitai-nɨ 'a group of women (wife’s side)'; fairiko-nɨ 'enemies'; komɨ-nɨ 'people' bi-tɨ-no 'those who came'; Mɨnɨka-tɨ-no 'the Mɨnɨka people' 1) nai-za 'this child'; jano-za (small-CLF:IMMATURE) 'small child'; jɨko-za 'dogs' 2) ji-za 'daughter' (female); baga-za 'all the young women' yera-zaɨ 'a being, person related to yera (liquid tobacco)'; Meni-zaɨ 'garca dance' ji-to 'son (cf. ji-za 'daughter') 6

Table 6. Examples of Murui repeaters (preliminary version)

Form

Gloss

Meaning

Example

-gaɨ

BASKET

igaɨ 'reed, liana (bejuco)'

-kae -ko -kuri -nɨe -mana -rai

LONG CANOE

derived from the word nokae derived from the word jɨko 'dog'

kɨrɨ-gaɨ 'canastro'; ana bai-gaɨ 'basket put below'; ñekɨ-gaɨ 'chambira cord'; jibi-gaɨ 'special basket used for coca' jano-kae 'small canoe' bi-ko 'this dog' jano-kuri 'small canoe'; jɨaɨ-kuri 'other small canoe' nai-nɨe 'that land' (ANA.D-CLF.REP:LAND) jɨaɨ-mana 'another week' dɨo-rai 'bonfire to cook tobacco'; irai 'bon fire'

-ta

CAN.TIN or AXE

-tiko -to -zi -zikɨ

SMALL.BASKET

JUNGLE

derived from the word jazikɨ

-zo -zie -yari

PATH

derived from the word naɨzo derived from the naɨzie 'clan'

DOG SMALL.CANOE LAND WEEK BON.FIRE

PLAIN, PLATE

derived from the word enɨe 'land' derived from Spanish semana 'week' large fire built in and outdoors, as for cooking, signalling or in celebration of an event; of the word irai container or box made of tin plate, a can; the meaning can be extended to mean 'bottle' small basket could be a repeater of pla-to

MEAT

CLAN.GROUP JAGUAR

jibi-ta 'big tin/can container for coca'; ja-ta 'axe'

kɨrɨ-tiko 'small basket' i-to 'algo plano como plato' yɨkɨ-zi (fish-meat) 'meat (not fish!)' bi-zikɨ 'this jungle' (this-CLF.REP:UNGLE); arɨne-zikɨ 'outside the jungle'; anane-zikɨ 'monte del bajo'; taɨ-zikɨ 'empty jungle (without animals)' bi-zo 'this path'; bai-zo 'that path' mero-yari 'tiger that eats tapirs (mero)'; jano-yari 'small tiger'

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Appendix B. Murui classifiers in the areal perspective - a brief overview Various unrelated languages of Northwest Amazonia (see Map 1) have complex noun classification systems. Many have also other coexisting classificatory devices, such as gender systems. Multiple classifier systems are an areal phenomenon specific to languages located in the vicinity of the Vaupés linguistic area such as Tariana, Baniwa and Palikur (Arawak), Bora and Miraña (Bora), Yagua (the only surviving language of the Peba-Yagua family), Ocaina (Witoto), Makú and East Tucanoan languages (Aikhenvald, 2003a, 2003b, 2012; Fagua Rincón, 2013; Payne, 2007; Petersen de Piñeros, 2007; Ramirez, 1997; Seifart, 2005). That noun classification devices, such as classifiers, tend to be highly diffusible in language contact, is often the result of their frequency of usage, sociocultural importance and their reference to the surrounding environment (Aikhenvald, 2012, p. 300). For instance, that classifiers occur obligatorily with demonstratives in Resígaro (Arawak), appears to be the influence of Bora. In all Northwest Amazonian languages that have classifier systems, classifier forms are generally bound suffixes. They range from a couple dozen to a few hundred. Many Amazonian classifiers have their origin in nouns; typically in bound and inalienable ones (see e.g. Tariana and Palikur) (Aikhenvald, 2003b; Aikhenvald & Green, 1998). For Miraña, Seifart (2007, p. 420) suggests that some of the classifiers originated as free nouns before they were grammaticalized as bound classifiers. A similar claim could be possibly made for the origin of Murui classifiers. For the majority of Murui classifiers, however, it remains difficult to explain their historical origins. Some North Arawak languages with multiple classifier systems provide evidence that while certain morphosyntactic environments of classifiers are historically primary, others developed at the later stage. In Tariana and Resígaro the use of classifiers on demonstratives is a recent innovation that came under the influence of the neighbouring Bora-Witoto and Tucano (Aikhenvald, 2003a, p. 226). For both Bora and Witoto it is quite difficult to prove that a certain morphological context is historically a more recent development than other contexts (Aikhenvald 2012, p. 298). In many of languages from Northwest Amazonia, classifiers have derivational functions and they can mark syntactic agreement, e.g. in Tariana, Baniwa-Kurripako, Tucano, Bora and Miraña. In Ocaina (Witoto) there is an agreement within an NP although to a lesser degree than in Bora, for example. In Murui there appears to be no such agreement (see also Petersen de Piñeros, 2007). Seifart & Payne (2007) demonstrated that there are a number of close correspondences of nominal classification structures across the East Tucanoan, Witotoan, Peba-Yaguan, and a number of North Arawak languages. Classifier forms, however, are extremely rare. The commonly occurring forms of classifiers in unrelated languages are the classifier -na that is found in Witoto languages (Murui, Nɨpode, Ocaina) and many North Arawak languages (Baniwa, Tariana and Yucuna); the classifier -be 'leaf-like' that could be related to -pe and -phe in Tariana and Baniwa (Seifart, 2007); and the classifier -ra 'thing' related to the generic classifier -ra in Yucuna. Such low frequency of formal correspondences could be possibly explained by linguistic exogamy that existed in Northwest Amazon (Sorensen, 1967; Stenzel, 2005). Properties of classifiers in the multiple classifier systems in the Northwest

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Amazonian languages differ slightly in terms of classifier distributions and realizations. For instance, while in Baniwa (North Arawak) classifiers cannot occur with demonstratives (Aikhenvald, 2007), in another North Arawak language Tariana, they can. In Murui and other Witoto and Bora languages, the same set of classifiers is used the same morphosyntactic environments. In the East Tucanoan languages, the same set of classifiers can be found in possessive constructions, on nouns (as derivational markers), on relativized verbal forms (as nominalizers) and on noun phrases with numerals, adjectives and demonstratives (Aikhenvald, 2003a, p. 222). Northwest Amazonian classifiers seem to occur frequently on verbs marking nominalizations of relative clauses. This is one of the most salient features of the Murui classifier system and has been reported for other languages, such as Tucano, Bora, Miraña and Tariana (see e.g. Aikhenvald 2003, p. 221). They have such function also in Macro-Jé languages (Rodrigues, 1999, p. 194) and Hup (Epps, 2012, p. 196). A number of Northwest Amazonian languages have repeaters where nouns can occur in classifier slots. The repeater technique appears to be a productive technique in this area: repeaters occur in Murui (and other Witoto varieties), Bora (Bora, Miraña), Tucano (East Tucano) and North Arawak (Tariana). In Tariana, repeater technique is the result of areal diffusion from East Tucano (Aikhenvald, 2003a, p. 361).

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