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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax Sławomir Zdziebko Catholic University of Lublin [email protected]

Outline: • Wasow (1977, among others): • two ways of deriving passives • adjectival passives derived in the lexicon • Active Lexicon FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Outline: • Bruening (2014, among others): • an architecture with just one computational engine is more parsimonious than an architecture with two such components

• the syntax is a necessary component in all the models • Null Hypothesis: the syntax in the only ’active’ component of the grammar (unless proven otherwise) FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Outline: • Cetnarowska (2000): Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the lexicon (irregularities in their morphology and semantics) • The claim of this talk: Polish resultative adjectives are adjectival participles derived in the syntax • Polish resultative adjectives do not lend support to the Active Lexicon approach FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives: • ł/t/n-resultative adjectives (Cetnarowska 2000, 2002, 2012) • de-verbal adjectives based on telic/perfective/prefixed verbs • prefix + root + (theme) + ł/t/n/on + adjectival inflection FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives: • resultative adjectives are adjectival participles (contra Grzegorczykowa 1979) • they denote result states brought about by events • they may be modified by temporal adverbials, manner adverbials, by-phrases etc. (Cetnarowska 2000, Biały 2008) FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives:

FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives: • resultative adjectives are adjectival participles (contra Grzegorczykowa 1979) • they give rise to target state and resultant state readings


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Polish resultative adjectives: • resultative adjectives may be based on transitive or unaccusative verbs • resultative adjectives based on transitive verbs • n/on-resultative adjectives: (s-przed-a-n-y ’sold’, od-kupi-on-y ’bought back’) • t-resultative adjetcives: (u-my-t-y ’washed’, zakry-t-y ’covered’) FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives (unaccusative bases): • ł-resultative adjectives based on athematic/ną verbs (u-pad-ł-y ’fallen’, o-głuch-ł-y ’that became deaf’, u-mar-ł-y ’dead’) • t-resultative adjectives based on ną-verbs (zamarz-nię-t-y ’frozen’, prze-mok-nię-t-y ’soked’) • ł-resultative adjectives based on ej-verbs (wy-łysia-ł-y ’that became bald’, za-instni-a-ł-y ’that came into being’) FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence • irregularities in the semantics


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence of RA based on reflexively marked verbs • adjectival passives based on transitive verbs marked with n/t/on • adjectival passives based on unaccusatives may be marked with ł/t FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • RA of ’intransitive’ reflexively marked verbs are marked with -n/t/on- …


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • …although not always


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence cont.: doublets in -ł- and -t• Polish RA show doublets in -ł- and -t-

• Cetnarowska (2012), Zdziebko (2017): forms in -t- have gained popularity and are more frequent than forms in -łFDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence cont.: doublets in -ł- and -t-


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence cont.: doublets in ł- and -t• Cetnarowska (2000, 2012): the preference for -tis due to paradigatic levelling through proportional analogy • the stems found in t-passives are attested in very frequent forms of the relevent verbs: infinitives, (de)verbal nouns FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the exponence cont.: doublets in -łand -t-

• proportional analogy requires a global architecture with obligatory the storage of entive words • naturally understood as a ’lexical operation’ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • Zdziebko (2017): a localist late insertion approach is capable of accounting for the preference towards t-participles • economy of voicabulary items


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the semantics


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA: • irregularities in the semantics • ’irregular semantics’ is not an argument against the syntactic approach to word-formation • most of the items presented by Cetnarowska (2000) are not resultatives but statives • no event modification

• no result states FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • Approach to exponence: • Vocabulary items may mention sequences/spans of heads

• bigger wins • contextual allomorphy FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • Approach to exponence: • [A[B[C]]] • • • •

{C} ↔ /α/ {B,C} ↔ /β/ {A,B,C} ↔ /γ/ {A,B,C,D} ↔ /δ/ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax:


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • The exponence of Polish participles: (a) Prt ↔ /ł/ (b) {(Voice),Prt[-act]}↔ /t1/ / V[+nas] __ (c) {Voice,Prt[-act]} ↔/n-on-t2/ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • RA of ’intransitive’ reflexively marked verbs are marked with -n/t/on- …


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • RA of ’intransitive’ reflexively marked verbs are marked with -n/t/on- …


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • na-prefixation: the internal argument must be plural/mass (and marked with the genitive) • *Dzieci na-spał-y. child-NOM.PL Q-slept-3.PL.NVIR Int: ’Many children slept’ • Kobiet-a się na-prac-ow-a-ł-a. guy-NOM.SG SE Q-work-V-TH-PTCP-3.SG.F ’A woman worked a lot.’ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: •

na-prefixation: the internal argument must be plural/mass (and marked with the genitive)

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*Ale się na-czes-a-ł-o ludzi! ALE SELF Q-comb-TH-PTCP-3.SG.N REFL many people-GEN.pl Int. ’So many people cobmed!’

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Ale się na-roz-bij-a-ł-o szklanek! ALE SE Q-PREF-break-SI-PTCP-3.SG.N glass-GEN.PL ’So many glasses broke!’

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The internal argument of Naturally Reflexive verbs is a reflexive (non-quantifieble)

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The internal argument of an anticausative is a DP (quantifiable)

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If both classes have Voice, then you expect them to be realized by means of n/on/t-


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Cetnarowska’s arguments for the lexical derivation of RA:

• they are Reflexively Marked Unaccusatives (no Voice) FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • anticausatives give rise to Dative Anticausative Construction (Frąckowiak and Rivero 2008, Frąckowiak 2015)

• niechcący ’unintentinally’ a Voice-level abverbial FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • DAC is impossible with unaccusatives:

• the presence of Voice is the prerequisite for the DAC reading and modification by niechcący • unaccusatives do not have Voice FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • DAC is impossible with unaccusatives:

• these do not have Voice either: they are unaccusatives FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • Where is ’się’ in RMU? • Unlike in anticausatives, the presence of ’się’ in the RMU is contingent on the presence of a prefix

• bić się ’break’, gromadzić się ’gather’, przestraszyć ’scare’, straszyć się ’scare (recipr.)’ etc. FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • the exponence of RA/adjectival passives of reflexively marked verbs is more regular than previously thought • reflexively marked verbs that give rise to łpassives are unaccusatives (no Voice) • it does not lend support to the claim that Polish RA must be ’derived in the lexicon’ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • doublets in -ł/t• an approach based on proportional analogy and the localist approach are very difficult to compare empirically • a localist approach can account for the preference for -tFDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • the presence of -t- contingent on -ną-

(a) kick (sem.), (b) ’become soaked’, (c) ’become deaf’, (d) ’fall’, (e) ’rot’ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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• za-chryp-ł-y vs. za-chryp-nię-t-y ’that became hoarse’


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • the more environments are mentioned in a given vocabulary item, the more marked a given entry is • the preference for t-passives is the preference for less burdensome vocabulary items


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • semantic irregularities • most of the exaples presented by Cetnarowska are not resultatives

• they do not admit event modification and do not denote states brought about by events


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • semantic irregularities


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • semantic irregularities: statives


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • semantic irregularities: statives • statives share their properties with respect to event modification with ordinary adjectives

• but differ from them with respect to contextual root allosemy


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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • biał-y ’white’ may change the meaning depending on the noun it modifies • biały ’white’, ślepy ’blind, that does not see’ • biała broń (lit. ’white weapon’) ’cold weapon’ • ślepy nabój (lit. ’blind cartridge’) ’blank cartridge’ • z-biel-a-ł-y ’that became white’ • o-ślep-ł-y ’that lost sight, became blind’ FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • cyclic approach to contextual allomorphy (Arad 2003, Marantz 2013, Anagnostopoulou and Samioti 2014) • Embick (2010): categorizing heads trigger the spell out of the cyclic domains within their complements • the complemets undergo sementic/phonological interpretation FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • the semantics of the root in resultative adjectives/adjectival participles is decided at the 1st cycle • the noun that constitutes the context for allosemy is not yet present in the structure • resultatives and statives are inflexible w.r.t. contextual allosemy FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Polish resultative adjectives are derived in the syntax: • no spell-out domains in the lexicon • sensitivity to the cyclic structure is strong evidence in favour of the syntactic approach to word formation


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Conclusion: • the exponence of the resultative adjectives of reflexively marked verbs is less irregular than previously assumed • the existence of doublets in -ł- and -t- may also be captured within the localist late insertion architecture • the semantic irregularities observed in RA are not problematic for the syntactic appraoch to wordformation FDSL 13, Goettingen (5-7. Dec.2018)

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Conclusion: • the morphosyntactic and morphophonological behaviour of Polish resultative adjectives does not lend support to the Active Lexicon approach


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References • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

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