THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A

THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A WOMEN'S CORRECTIONAL FACILITY: AN INSTRUMENTAL CASE STUDY

by Aisha White B .A . University of Pittsburgh, 1987 M.L.S. University of Pittsburgh, 1993

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Library and Information Science, School of Information Sciences, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

University of Pittsburgh 2003

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UMI Number: 3139731

Copyright 2003 by White, Aisha

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DISSERTATION DEFENSE

Name of Student Title:

Aisha White

The Information Use Environment Within a Women's Correctional Facility:

An Instrumental Case

Study

Committee: Name

Accept

Department

Margaret M.Kimmel

Ellen Detiefsen

Edie Rasmussenl

Vice Provost Jadk Daniel, Vice Provost for Academic Affairs

Roger Flynn

Major Advisor Margaret M. Kin

Date

J'Lj/'J


Copyright 2 003© by Aisha White All rights reserved

ii


THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A WOMEN'S CORRECTIONAL FACILITY: AN INSTRUMENTAL CASE STUDY Aisha White University of Pittsburgh, 2003

This study explores the information use environment of women in prison through a case study of the State Correctional Institution at Muncy, in Pennsylvania. The study utilizes the information use environment (IUE) framework which examines the flow of information into, within, and out of a particular setting, and the people, their problems, solutions, and the value they assign to information in that setting. Corrections and library and information science research are appraised in order to understand the issue. Data is collected through document analysis and semi structured interviews with prison staff and female inmates. Surveys were collected prior to selection of inmate respondents. Although not proposed as a method of inquiry, observations were made during on-site visits to the institution. Document analysis is guided by four elements: history, domain, structure/style, and information access. Interview data is interpreted via four research questions juxtaposed with seven information issues. The research questions are; 1) What kinds of problems do the women inmates encounter on a daily basis? 2) How does the prison setting impact the women inmates' information behavior? 3) What is the criterion of information value employed by the women inmates? and, 4) To what degree does the information accessed solve the women inmates' problems? The information issues are; 1) The "Chilling Effect", 2) The Prison Library, 3) Needs Vs. Information, 4) Misinformation and the Inmate Underground, 5) Imprisonment, Information, and "Agency", 6) Problem Dimensions and Information Literacy: a. General Education, b. Ethno linguistic Minorities, and 7) Medical Care Crises. iii


The research revealed multiple inmate problems and a setting containing barriers to information. The research also showed that inmates value information from a variety of sources but primarily seek out counselors and other inmates for answers. While inmates felt bound by institutional policies and practices which hinder and sometimes prevent information acquisition and problem resolution, staff felt inmate behavior along with funding and space limitations greatly affected provision of services and problem solving.


FOREWORD ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many thanks to my dissertation committee, Drs. Edie Rasmussen, Jack Daniels, Ellen Detlefsen, and Roger Flynn, for their assistance and guidance. Special thanks go out to my advisor Margaret Mary Kimmel, for her years of patience, encouragement, and much needed humor. I would also like to thank Dr. Maria Piantanida for her consistent support, Dr. Elaine Rubenstein for her help with the research methodology and Elaine Lynch for her editorial assistance. Thanks are also in order for the economic support received from the University of Pittsburgh Provost Fund and Women's Studies Program, Dr. Ellen Detlefsen, and my dear friend Sabira Bushra.

Special thanks to the Pennsylvania State Department of Corrections for permitting the study and to the kind and gracious staff at SCI-Muncy who welcomed my visits and served as interview respondents. Thanks are also in order for the three respondents who agreed to participate in pilot interviews. To the women inmate interview respondents at SCI-Muncy go my most humble gratitude for your time and participation.

This work is dedicated to my great aunt Esther Williams, my mother and stepfather Gertrude and Josh Gibson, my father Samuel Rice, my two children Jamilla and Sundiata Rice and my grandson Sundiata El Rice.

v


TABLE OF CONTENTS

A B S TRACT ............................................. iv FOREWORD............................................. vi LIST OF T A B L E S ..................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES....................................... ix I.

INTRODUCTION...................................... 1

II.

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE S T U D Y ............. 3

III.

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE.......... 32

IV.

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS ...............

V.

CHAPTER FOUR: DOCUMENT ANAL Y S I S ............... 103

VI.

CHAPTER FIVE: INTERVIEW ANALYSIS............... 139

VII.

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . . . .187

78

VIII.CHAPTER SEVEN: REFLECTIONS ON THE S T U D Y ........ 239 APPENDIX A: INMATE S U R V E Y .......................... 251 APPENDIX B: INMATE RESPONDENT G R I D .................. 252 APPENDIX C: RESEARCHER INTRODUCTION.................. 253 APPENDIX D: INMATE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE................ 2 54 APPENDIX E: STAFF INTERVIEW SCHEDULE................ 256 APPENDIX F: DOCUMENTATION EXAMINATION CRITERIA . . . .258 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 259 vi


LIST OF TABLES

Table I:

SCI-Muncy Documentation List.............. 12 5

Table II:

Data Ordering............................. 144

Table III:

Explication of Information Criterion

Table IV:

Staff Responses to Research Questions.

Table V:

Staff Responses About Inmates' Most Critical Problems........................ 151

Table VI:

Inmate Responses to Research Questions

Table VII:

Inmates' Responses About Their Most Critical Problems........................ 154

Table VIII:

Categories of Problems Identified by Staff.................................... 155

Table IX.

Categories of Problems Identified by Inmates.................................. 155

Table X.

Inmate Education Levels................... 177

vii


. . .145 . .150

. .153

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure I :

World Population Figures ..................

Figure II:

World Prison Population Figures.............. 5

Figure III:

U.S. Female Imprisonment ..................

Figure IV:

Deprivation Model........................... 43

Figure V:

Bethune Housing Unit D i a g r a m ............... 87

Figure VI:

Inmate Interview List....................... 93

Figure VII.

Data Sources and Justification............. 99

Figure VIII: Principles for Interpretive Studies. .

5

7

. . 160

Figure IX:

Inmate Information Issues.................. 161

Figure X:

Research Questions and SCI-Muncy Information Issues ............

163

Figure XI:

SCI-Muncy Inmate Information Seeking Process ........................ 184

Figure XII:

The Information Use Environment Framework................................. 194

Figure XIII: The Information Use Environment Framework Within a Women's Correctional Facility................................. 195

viii


INTRODUCTION

This study is written in homage to library and information science scholar Elfreda Chatman. Her legacy is a gift to the field and her work, which examined the informati needs and behavior of marginalized populations, served as inspiration. The research examines the information use environment (IUE) at a women's correctional facility, posing the question: What is the nature of the environment (for inmate women) at the State Correctional Institution at Muncy (SCI-Muncy), in Pennsylvania? The study reveals the information needs of the female prison population, and as such, is portrayed primarily from the perspective of female inmates. The research explores the usefulness of the IUE framework and also asks: What are the implications of the prison information environment for information specialists/practitioners? The study therefore aims to help library and information science professionals better understand and serve a unique user population. The research an instrumental case study - utilizes document analysis, 1


survey, and semi-structured interview for data collection. Informal observations were also noted during site visits to the institution.


Chapter One:

I.

Overview of the Study

Introduction to the chapter

Chapter one provides background to the study by first discussing imprisonment in America and, in particular, the extraordinary recent increase in female prisoners. The chapter then provides a brief synopsis of the possible causes for women's imprisonment, a summary of user studies and an overview of the information use environment framework. The research problems are presented; the significance of the study is then put forward, followed by a summary of the chapter. II.

Background of the study: A. Prisoners in America

American criminology has undergone a number of ideological and systemic changes since the penitentiary was created in the early 1800s. Some of the theories, which explain criminal behavior, depict offenders as inherently sinful; others suggest that society has an equal role with individuals in causing criminal behavior.1 Rothman's classic text on crime and social order says that despite changing views about crime, criminal law, and corrections in the

1 Welch, M. (1999). Punishment in America: Social control and the ironies of imprisonment. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, Inc.

3


United States, the prevailing response to crime has been institutionalization.2 More recent efforts to maintain social control and prevent or reduce crime in this country still reflect a philosophy of containment. The results have been disturbing. According to Senior U.S. District Judge John L. Kane, containment costs are exorbitant (imprisonment costs 20.6 times more than supervision); incarceration rates are excessive (600 inmates per 100,000 civilians are incarcerated in the U.S.); and the system is above capacity (125 percent capacity in federal prisons). Furthermore, the criminal justice system faces caseload fatigue, and monies that could be providing resources are redirected to prisons (for every million prisoners 8.5 million poor could be serviced).3 The total

United

population

States

has

five

percent

of

the

world's

and

houses

25

percent

of

the

world's

incarcerated population.4

2 Rothman, D.J. (1990) . The discovery of the asylum: Social order and disorder in the new republic. (2nd Ed.) Boston: Little Brown. 3 Shaw, C. A. (2000). War on drugs unfairly targets African A m e r i c a n s . Common Dreams News Center Featured V i e w s .[On-line]. Available: w ww.commondreams.org/views/041200-104.htm. 4 Shaw, C. A.

(2000) .

4


Figure I: World Population Figures

World Population Figures

■2

= World population - 95% -

U.S. population - 5%

Figure II: World Prison Population Figures

Prison Population Figures

= World prison population - 75% = U.S. prison population - 25%

5


By 2001, two million people were held in county, state and federal correctional institutions in the United States, making the U.S. prison population the largest in the world. Between 1980 and 2001, the number of men in prison increased by approximately 2 00 percent. Women, however, are the fastest growing prison population in the United States.5 The number of women in prisons and jails in America is approximately ten times the number of all the women incarcerated in all the countries in Western Europe combined.6 Since 1980, the number of women entering American prisons has risen by more than 600 percent (See Table I);7 more than double the increase for males.8 Poor women and women of color make up the predominant female prison population. And although African-Americans make up less than 15 percent of the overall U.S. population, AfricanAmerican men represent approximately

5 Human Rights Watch. (1996, December). All too familiar: in U.S. state prisons. (On-line], Available: www.hrw.org/summaries/s.us96d.html.

Sexual abuse of women

6 Amnesty International. (1999, March). Ill Profile of women in prisons and j a i l s . [On-line], Available: www. a m n e s t y .org/ailib/intcam/women/report2 .html. 7 U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. (2001, November). [On-line]. Available: www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/. 8 Human Rights Watch.

(1996, D e c e m b e r ) .

6


41 percent of incarcerated males and African-American women comprise 46 percent of incarcerated females.9,10

Figure III U.S. Female Imprisonment

Annual Admissions of Women to US Federal and State Prisons » 30

O

rr » » 80 SI 12

91

H

S

8 17 N ffi «»

91 99 83 S4 9S

Yew Som sm t B ttm a u o f Ju sflte# s t a s r t c * j» s t t w i a l P ris o n o r Sfartisrtics}

B. Women in Society

During the early history of the United States, a man virtually owned his wife and children, just as he did his material possessions. For most of recorded history and in most of the world, human society has been a patriarchy--the rule of men, where women held positions auxiliary to that enjoyed by their male counterparts. The very structures of

9 U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin. (2001, March). Prison and jail inmates at midyear 2000. NCJ 185989. [On-line]. Available: www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/ascii/pj i m O O .t x t . 10 Committee to End the Marion Lockdown. (1995, Fall). Women in P r i s o n . [On-line] Available: Walkin' Steel, www.unix.oit.umass.edu/~kastor/walking-steel95/ws-women-in-prison.html.

7


many societies make it difficult for women to achieve their full potential and/or have an effective say in the ordering of society.11, 12,13 These structures and practices have generally affected all women regardless of race, ethnicity, age, or education, and have also affected women economically. The unemployment and chronic poverty some women experience during their lives have been linked to the crimes they commit. Miller (1986) 14 and other scholars suggest there are strong connections between economic marginality and women's motivations to engage in illegal activity. One of the most significant factors contributing to the current explosion in women's imprisonment, however, is drugs and drug laws. Female involvement in the illegal drug industry (particularly involvement with crack cocaine) combined with new tough anti-drug and anti-crime laws (mandatory minimums, "three strikes and you're out") represent the major causes of the mushrooming female imprisonment rate.

11 Momen, M. (2001) Society: Freedom from prejudice; The advancement of w o m e n . [On-line], Available: www. s a f n e t .com/bahai/introduction/soc.free.html#women. 12 Compton's Interactive Encyclopedia 1994, Compton's NewMedia, 13 NOW

Inc.

(2002). Mission of the National Organization of Women at the University of V i r g i n i a . [On-line]. Available: www. s t u d e n t .V i r g i n i a .edu/~uvanow/mission.html

14 Miller, E. M.

(1986). Street Woman.

Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

8


Crack versus powder cocaine sentencing is currently being challenged as racist and discriminatory.15 The disproportionate burden on African-Americans occurs in several instances. Crack cocaine is a drug more likely to be used by African-Americans, and poor whites, because of its low cost. Powdered cocaine is more likely to be used by well-to-do whites. Crack carries similar felony charges for possession or distribution when compared with powdered cocaine, but for quantities 100 times smaller than quantities of powdered cocaine.16 Possession with intent to distribute powdered cocaine carries a five-year sentence for 500 grams or more while possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine carries a five-year sentence for only five grams. This new drug legislation introduced in 1986 had not been changed as of this writing. The second burden is related to racial profiling which has been shown to target African-Americans for police stops and searches. Drug dealing is more often conducted out in the open in poor communities - behind closed doors in the

15 Reinarman, C., & Levine, H. G. (1997). The crack attack, politics and media in the crack scare. In C. Reinarman, & H. G. Levine (Eds.), Crack in America: Demon drugs and social ju s t i c e . Berkeley, California: University of California Press. 18-51. 16 Reinarman, C., & Levine, H.G. (1997). Crack in context America's latest demon drug. In C. Reinarman, & H. G. Levine (Eds.), Crack in America: Demon drugs and social ju s t i c e . Berkeley, California: University of California Press. 1-17.

9


suburbs. From 1986 to 1991, the number of white drug offenders in state prisons increased by 110 percent; the number of black drug offenders grew by 465 percent. African-Americans account for about 14 percent of the nation's drug users, yet they make up 35 percent of those arrested for drug possession, 55 percent of those convicted for drug possession, and 74 percent of those sentenced to serve time for drug possession.17 The result of the combined difference in crack versus powder cocaine sentencing laws and racial disparity in arrests, trials, convictions and sentencing, is that more black men and women are serving longer prrson sentences than are white men and women. 1 ft In general, drug use rates for women are lower than for men. But trends in drug use by women show levels of increase from 2000 to 2001. And as for crack, a decade after its introduction it is still a major drug of choice. Admissions to publicly funded substance abuse treatment, as reported to the Treatment Episode Data Set (TEDS), indicate that while the population of women seeking treatment for

17 Shaw, C. A.

(2000) .

18 The Sentencing Project. Briefing/Fact Sheets. (1997, Spring). Crack cocaine sentencing policy: Unjustified and unreasonable. [On-line]. Available: www.sentencingproj e c t .org/pubs/tsppubs/109Obs.htm.

10


smoked cocaine is growing, older women continue to be introduced to the drug.19 The growing use of the drug by women has been paralleled by their increased imprisonment. Between 1986 and 1991 there was a 432 percent increase in the number of women serving time for drug offenses in state prisons compared to a 2 81 percent increase in men.20 More than 71 percent of women in federal prison and 35 percent of female state inmates have been convicted of drug offenses, usually involving crack cocaine, which carries mandatory sentences as long as 25 years for first time offenders.21 A Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) report found that about half of women offenders confined in State prisons had been using alcohol, drugs, or both at the time of the offense for which they had been incarcerated. About 6 in 10 women in State prison described themselves as using drugs in the month before the offense and 5 in 10 described themselves as a daily user of drugs. Nearly 1 in 3 women 19 Women in treatment for smoked cocaine; The DASIS R e p o r t . July 31, 2001. [Online]. Available at: www.samhsa.gov/oas/2kl/FemCrack/FemCrack.htm. Office of Applied Studies, S AMHSA; Synectics for Management Decisions, Inc., Arlington, Virginia; and R T I , Research Triangle Park, North Carolina. 20 Phillips, S., & Harm, N. (1997). Women prisoners: A contextual framework. Women and Therapy, 2 0 (4), 1-9. 21 Black, Latina women locked in jailhouse, poorhouse. Commentary by Yvonne Scrubbs, Leftwhich. [Online] Available at: www.blackleadershipforum.org/opinions/poorhouse.html

11


serving time in State prisons said they had committed the offense, which brought them to prison in order to obtain money to support their need for drugs.22 In view of these figures, prison activists and women's studies scholars are suggesting that the current U.S. war on drugs is actually a war on women. According to Bloom and Owen the flood of women into prisons has been correlated with the increasingly punitive legal response to drug-related behavior, the lack of viable treatment, and limited alternative community sanctions for women.23 The growing female prison population calls for changes to prison-based programming and services. Studies indicate that female inmates need a variety of support services, including psychological counseling, drug rehabilitation, and useful (marketable) training. Incarcerated women also need to develop basic reading, writing and information skills, since imprisoned women's most critical information needs are largely unmet. For example, a recent study of drug abusing female offenders in Pennsylvania revealed that the majority had limited education and low literacy skills. At the same time these women stated that they wanted to 22 Bureau of Justice Statistics, Women Offenders,

December 1999.

23 Bloom, B., & Owen, B. (1995). Profiling women prisoners: Findings from national surveys and a California sample. The Prison Journal, 7 5 (2), 165-185.

12


continue their education and training.24 Although many of the women had been employed prior to imprisonment, none had applied for unemployment compensation. The reasons for this remain unknown, yet there is a chance that the women needed information about unemployment entitlements. The average woman in prison tends to have a less extensive criminal background than the average man in prison.25 As a result, many women who are new to incarceration have fewer resources in their history to help them solve the problems connected to imprisonment than do men. The information needs of women in prison are not well known since few studies have been conducted in the library and information science field. Reports compiled by the Women's Prison Book Project support the notion that women in prison need information assistance.26 Women served by the project request dictionaries to improve their vocabulary, textbooks to continue their education, health books to learn about medical conditions, meditation books to cope with imprisonment, and books for their children.

24 Hirsch, A . (1999, D e c e m b e r ) . Some days are harder than hard: Welfare reform and women with drug convictions in Pennsylvania. [On-line], Available: ww w . c l a s p .org/pubs/TANFSTATE/SomeDays/SomeDaystableofcontents.h t m . 25 Pollock-Byrne, J. M. (1990) . Women, prison, Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, p. 59.

and c r i m e . Pacific Grove, CA:

26 Women's Prison Book Project. (2001). About W P B P . [On-line]. Available: www.prisonactivist.org/wpbp/.

13


The IUE model provides a useful framework for investigating the information environment of a women's prison because it takes into account the attributes of information users as well as the structural, organizational and social setting where users are situated. Applying the model to the prison environment broadens the scope of information science research because the investigation concerns an under-researched population in an under researched setting. The study generates ideas for effective library and information service as well. III. The Information Use Environment

An information use environment consists of the elements that affect the flow of information into, within, and out of an entity, and the factors that affect how people use and value information.27 The elements include the setting, people, their problems and information use. The factors include characteristics of people such as gender and education level, as well as their information choices.28 Taylor introduced the concept for the IUE in the mid 1980s and has made significant contributions to development of the framework. He conceptualized information systems as 27 Taylor, R. S. (1991) . Information use environments. In. B. Dervin, & M. J. Voigt, (Eds.), Progress in communication sciences, Volume X. (pp. 217255). Norwood, N J : ABLEY Publishing Corporation. 28 Taylor, R. S.

(1986). p. 331.

14


both machine and human, asserting that the human element was a necessary extension of technology. This focus on the user, often referred to as the user approach to system design, has a strong history in library and information science. 29 From the late 1960s to the early 1970s, library science research leaned increasingly towards exploration of the social factors that affect information behavior. For example, Childers examined the information needs of urban residents by looking at non-traditional library users' information deficits. He found that atypical library users' needs were not always met by conventional library services.30 Dervin studied the information needs of urban residents and found librarians would be most effective with the population if they developed flexible, communicationbased systems and procedures for information delivery.31 Another study by Dervin examined the information needs of average citizens and found huge gaps between their

29 Taylor, R. S. (1987). On the study of information use environments. Proceedings of the 49th ASIS annual meeting. Volume 23. Medford, N . J . : Learned Information Inc. 331-334. 30 Childers, T., and Post, J. A. (1975). The information poor in America. Metuchen, N J : Scarecrow Press. 31 Dervin, B., Zweizig, D., Banister, M. Gabriel, M . , Hall, E. P., & Kwan, C.(1976). The development of strategies for dealing with the information needs of urban residents: Phase I- The citizen study. (Final report on project number L0035JA to the U.S. Office of Education). E R U C : ED 135791.

15


knowledge base and their information needs.32 Subsequent research has investigated information issues affecting the poor, people of color and women. This research has found that traditional, book-based library services that are designed for patrons who voluntarily visit the library do not always meet the information needs of non-traditional populations.33,34,35 The IUE framework depicts the information use process in a home or organization as a procedure with many different parts. These parts cannot be fully comprehended separately. Instead the framework proposes that the entire environment and the full life of information from creation to dissemination to use should be examined. The IUE framework represents an approach that examines the kinds of problems users encounter, the ways those problems lead them to seek information, the way the setting affects information access, and the way these connected

32 ____ (197 6). The everyday information needs of the average citizen: A taxonomy for analysis. In M. Kochen, & J. C. Donohue, (Eds.), Information for the community. Chicago, IL: American Library Association. 33 Chatman, E. A. (1986). Diffusion theory. A review and test of a conceptual model in information diffusion. Journal of the American Society for Information Science. 3 7 (6). 377-386. 34 Metoyer-Duran, C. (1991). Information-seeking behavior of gatekeepers in ethno linguistic communities: overview of a taxonomy. Library and Information Science Research. 1 3 (4). 319-346. 35 Harris, R. M . , & Dewdney, P. (1994). Barriers to information: How formal help systems fail battered women. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

16


processes can be translated into "information terms". Scholars have used the IUE model to examine a variety of populations including inner city gatekeepers (Agada),36 and physicians (Blois).37 A study of agriculturists by Francis found that their problems typically centered on constraints in the work environment.38 Rosenbaum's IUE study of managers examined the relationship between structure and action in information seeking and use. Rosenbaum found that the IUE affected behavior and that behavior likewise affected the environment.39 To date no studies investigating the information needs of prisoners in the United States or abroad have used the IUE framework.

(Elfreda Chatman's

study of women in prison examined their information world, but the information use environment was not the investigative framework.)40

36 Agada, J. (1999). Inner-city gatekeepers: an exploratory survey of their information use environment, Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 5 0 (1). 74-85. 37 Blois, M. S. (1985). The physician's information environment. Journal of Clinical Computing, 14, 48-51. 38 Rosenbaum, H. (1996). Managers and information in organizations: Towards a structurational concept of the information use environment of managers. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Syracuse University, NY. 39 Francis, H. (1998) . The information use environment: A descriptive study of a sub-set of agriculturists in the developing country of Trinidad and T o b a g o . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Syracuse University, NY. 40 Chatman, E. A. (1999) . A theory of life in the round. Journal of the American Society of Information Science, 5 0 (3), 207-217.

17


Few library and information science studies have investigated prisons. The numbers of such studies have remained consistent but low for the past three decades.* Graduate students (future library and information science practitioners) typically show little interest in prison librarianship. Few library and information science educators lecture to students about prison libraries, and not many scholars study the information issues affecting prisoners. The literature about prisons and libraries primarily describes new and unique programs and services in prison, giving voice to the saving grace of prison librarianship, and documenting the history of prison libraries. These stories are nonetheless few and far between. Managers of prison libraries have to deal with a number of challenges. Most have to adhere to the prison mission of safety and security, which means they have to forego the public library mission of equal and open access. Shrinking budgets, censorship issues, and the complexity of multiple constituencies compound these limitations. Social conditions and societal trends influence prison library

± White, A. Information Science Abstracts and Library and Information Science A b s t racts, database searches, March 6, 2002.

18


services, as the peaks and valleys in service quality will show.41 Rubin consistently investigates library services to the institutionalized. Her research has been very informing, and her analyses of prison librarianship service have been quite critical.42 A few library studies in Great Britain, which examined prisoner information needs and library use, have also been enlightening. These studies show that 1) inmates often do not use the library because it is crowded or intimidating, 2) inmates serving very long terms use the library differently than those serving shorter terms, 3) in some instances inmates' information needs are not met, and 4) the personal information sources to which inmates resort are inaccurate or unreliable.43'44,45 Investigating the IUE at the State Correctional Facility at Muncy (SCI-Muncy) represents a new way of

41 Chapesiuk, R. (June 1995). South Carolina scraps innovative prison library system, American Libraries, 2 6 , 501-502. 42 Rubin, R. J. (Fall, 1983). Keeping professional librarians in prison; problems of professionalism in prison libraries. RQ, 40-46.

or,

the

43 Lithgow, S.D., & Hepworth, J. B. (1993). Performance measurement in prison libraries: research methods, problems, and perspectives. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science, 2 5 (2), 61-19. 44 Stevens, T. (1993). The role of the prison library in the reform and rehabilitation process. Library and Information Research News, 16(57), 15.

13-

45 Stevens, T. (1994) . The information needs of prisoners: a study of three penal establishments. Library and Information Research News, 1 8 (16), 29-33.

19


studying information needs and services in the prison setting. The insights gained from the investigation inform future design of services to female inmates. With a little alteration, the insights can be adopted and applied to other prisons, similar environments and comparable populations. IV.

Problem Statement

Examining the unique information use environment at State Correctional Facility at Muncy (SCI-Muncy) generates implications for library and information science practice and service. A. Research Questions

The

research

questions

proposed

in

the

study

gave

guidance to investigation of the case: 1.

What kinds of problems do the women encounter on a daily basis? {Taylor's characteristic three: problems) Are the problems legal, medical, family or other types? Are they unique to individual women, or common to the general population?

2.

How does the prison setting impact the women's information behavior? {Taylor's characteristic one: setting) In what ways does the history, structure, style, sphere of influence (domain) and access to information within the prison setting affect these women's information behavior?

20


3.

What is the criterion of information value employed by the women? (Taylor's second characteristic: people) Do personal assumptions about their conditions, the institution, or prison staff solve or exacerbate existing problems? In what ways do age, race, or education level impact information access? How do media and social networks impact information acquisition?

4.

To what degree does the information accessed solve the women's problems? (Taylor's fourth characteristic: solutions) In what ways are the women able to use information provided - to better understand their problems, gain factual information, confirm beliefs, be motivated or know "what to do" to solve a specific problem?

The information use environment at SCI-Muncy was revealed by analyzing institutional documents and conducting semi-structured interviews. Interview questions focused on the problems the research says affect the majority of imprisoned women; legal, medical, and family difficulties. 46,47 The questions help identify the resources women seek out as they try to solve their problems. Although interviews with institution staff and inmates informed the portrayal of the prison, the institutional setting was explored primarily through content analysis of 46 Enos, S. (2001). Mothering from the inside: Parenting in a women's p r i s o n . NY: State University of New York Press. 47 Acoca, L. (1998). Defusing the time bomb: Understanding and meeting the growing health care needs of incarcerated women in America. Crime & Delinquency (44)(1). 49-69.

21


documents such as inmate handbooks and institutional reports. This study is different from other IUE research because the target population is very different. In past studies, the IUE framework was applied to active, experienced, critical users of information. Most women in prison do not fit this description particularly if "information" implies "mainstream information". Also this study has a different purpose. Taylor's purpose in analyzing information use environments was to inform design and operation of information systems.48 (Information systems are characterized as formally designed processes where standard communications are enhanced often through computing devices.) The purpose here was primarily to portray the case and secondarily to suggest implications for the profession. The research results presented a comprehensive portrayal of the information setting in which institutionalized women live. It also suggests resources and tools they might need to thrive during and possibly after their stay in prison.

48 Taylor, R.S.

(1986) .

22


V.

Significance of the Study A.

Library and Information Science Research

Library and information science scholars have often described libraries as frustrating and complex.49 The library can in fact be quite an overwhelming place to visit; a daunting environment that is difficult for many people to navigate. The size and complexity of libraries as structures, combined with patron attitudes that discourage utilizing libraries (for example the belief that libraries do not have helpful information)50 can act as a strong force to keep people away from libraries permanently. People outside the mainstream may be intimidated by libraries and avoid using them. At the same time they may be experiencing an altogether different information world than the rest of society.51 Some scholars have asserted that this population obtains information differently, gains access to less information, acquires less reliable information and may not be able to adequately use the information received.

49 Taylor, R. S., (1968) Question-negotiation and information seeking in libraries. College and Research Libraries, 2 9 , 178-194. 50 Kempson, E. (1986). Information for self-reliance and self-determination: The role of community information services. IFLA Journal, 12 (3), 182-191. 51 Chatman, E. A. (1996). The impoverished life world of outsiders. Journal of the American Society of Information Science, 47(3), 193-206.

23


Through investigation the library and information science community has gradually come to understand these differences, 52 but the differences and the nature of these unique information worlds continue to evolve. Constant inquiry into the differences allows library and information science knowledge to keep pace with societal changes. Studies that focus on nontraditional environments contribute to the research by testing the strength of library and information science theories, frameworks, and models. These examinations also inform changes in practice, affecting service to the population under investigation and possibly other populations. This research assists in understanding the types of information environments certain groups experience as well as the impact of information within those environments. It illuminates the benefits of applying the IUE as a distinct investigative framework to a special user group, one that has not been examined in this way. As such, the dearth of library and information science studies with prison populations represents a fertile area for exploration.

52 Vakkari, P. R. Savolainen, R . , & Dervin, B. (Eds.), (1997). Foreword, Information Seeking in Con t e x t , proceedings of an international conference on research in information needs, seeking and use in different contexts. London: Taylor Graham Publishing.

24


B . Criminology Research

The bias, discrimination and abuse some women face when 'free' in society is often more intense in the prison setting. Criminology scholars who have compared the prison confinement of men and women conclude that prisons which house women provide different and generally inferior care than those housing men.53 Because there are relatively small numbers of women imprisoned in each state, most states have only one or two women's prisons and many states have none. The prisons that do exist are typically in isolated rural areas. As a result, women are farther away from friends, family, and legal counsel than males.54 Also due to the smaller number of women prisoners, fewer programs and treatment options are available to female inmates than is the case for male inmates.55 (Although the numbers of women imprisoned annually increase rapidly, women still represent only 10 percent or less of the total U.S. prison population.)

53 Rafter, N. H. (1989). Gender and justice: The equal protection issue. In L. Goodstein, & D. L. Mackenzie. (Eds.). The American prison: Issues in research and policy. Law, Society and P olicy, Volume 4. New York: Plenum Press. 54 American Correctional Association, (1997). American Correctional Association 1997 Directory: Juvenile and adult correctional departments, institutions, agencies and paroling authorities. Lanham, Maryland: ACA. 55 American Correctional Association. (1984). Female classification: An examination of the i ss u e s . College Park, MD: ACA.

25


While male prisoners are more likely to face the threat of prisoner to prisoner rape, imprisoned women are more likely to face the threat of rape by prison staff.56,57 Unlike male prisoners, the majority of women in prison have added worries related to dependent children since more than half were the sole caregivers of children prior to incarceration.58 These concerns about custody and the well being of children are said to be a major cause of anxiety among imprisoned women. However, the pre-imprisonment life experiences of incarcerated women do show many similarities to those of the average imprisoned male. Results of an American Correctional Association study found that more than half the women interviewed reported having been victims of physical abuse. Many were victims of sexual abuse, most were high school dropouts, and almost two thirds had earned no more than $6.50 per hour prior to incarceration. Six

56 Human Rights Watch. (2002). No escape: Male rape in U.S. p r i s o n s . [On-line] Av a i l a b l e : www.hrw.org/reports/2 001/prison/reportl.html#_l_5. 57 Human Rights Watch.

(1996, December).

58 Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report. (December, [On-line]. A v a i l a b l e :www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs.

1999). Women offenders.

26


percent were pregnant entering prison and 3.3 percent reported being HIV positive.59 Male prisoners were found to also have limited education and poor employment skills, and a significant percentage experienced parental substance abuse. But a much larger percentage of women (more than 50 percent) suffered from physical and sexual abuse than did men (12 percent). Also, women involved in a drug treatment study conducted by the Bureau of Prisons presented with a more severely impaired profile than did male prisoners, acknowledging that they use drugs in response to emotional and physical pain. Men involved in the study were more likely to report that they used drugs because they "enjoyed it".60 Because they are considered to have violated traditional societal rules related to acceptable female behavior, women in prison tend to be doubly scorned, leading some to assert that the imprisonment of women criminalizes them in ways more complicated than is the case with men.61 Welch (1999) 62 has stated that women engaging in

59 National Institute of Justice, Program Focus. (December, 1998). The w o m e n 's prison association: Supporting women offenders and their families. [On line] . Available: www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/pubs-sum/172 858.htm. 60 Bureau of Prisons. (2 000).Gender Differences Among Prisoners Entering Drug Treatment. [On-line]. Available: www.bop.gov/orepg/oretriadesgender.html 61 Bowman, R. (October, 2000) . Women in prison: A call for feminist a c t i o n . [On line] . Available: www-rohan.sdsu.edu/~rbowman/essayl.htm.

27


deviant or criminal behavior are more likely to be viewed as depraved and morally corrupt compared to their male counterparts. As a result, imprisoned women are more isolated, more burdened, and experience unique problems and heightened stigma. By examining the environment within which imprisoned women function, this research contributes to the existing bodies of gender and corrections studies. In addition to informing ways to provide better library and information service to prisoners the study makes clearer the special needs of these women as information users. Assessing the needs and interests of women in prison informs prison educational programming as well. VI.

Researcher Perspective

Researcher subjectivity was present throughout the research process. From the onset of doctoral coursework, the researcher felt obligated to produce a document of political significance. Two years were spent struggling with dissertation topics that turned out to be too disconnected from the researcher's primary interests; human rights and marginalized populations. After much puzzlement a broader view of human rights was embraced with prison as

62 Welch, M.

(1999) .

28


the link and imprisoned women as the marginalized population. The private aims of the study were to; 1) identify ways to actually help women in prison, 2) inject human rights into the library and information science literature, 3) put prisons into the vocabulary of library information science scholars, practitioners, and students, and 4) establish the researcher as a progressive voice among information specialists. The motivation for investigating a prison also stemmed from concerns about the large numbers of people sentenced to jail terms in this country as well as from an interest in getting helpful information to people currently incarcerated and people recently released from prison. The impetus is also related to a personal connection to prisons. The correctional institution was chosen as a setting because the researcher's family members have been and still are incarcerated, and friends and acquaintances have been and still are incarcerated. The researcher has visited these relatives, friends, and acquaintances at four state prisons in Pennsylvania, one federal prison in Pennsylvania, two county jails in the state, and one juvenile facility in the state. Those visits, which include trips to various visiting areas and attendance at 29


approximately three events within the prison proper, revealed conditions and treatment that greatly affected the researcher's attitude toward and opinion of American prisons. VII. Chapter Summary

This chapter provides an overview of the issues which serve as the basis for this study. Recent increases in the U.S. prison population are important to the library and information science profession because of the significant role libraries can and do play in the lives of prisoners. The study explores the impact of the prison setting on the prison population, the problems prisoners encounter and solutions they realize. In essence the research is a means for discovering the ways female inmates access information in their daily lives. The information use environment embodies a useful theoretical framework built on the rich tradition of library and information science user studies. It has been underutilized however when it comes to institutionalized populations since most of the groups examined have been inside the 'mainstream' margins. The literature review, which follows, provides an overview of the research on women in prison, and discusses studies of women's 30


adaptation to the prison environment. It also illustrates the way user studies and the information use environment framework contribute to a greater understanding of ways to service the information needs of the female prison population.

31


Chapter Two: I.

Review of the Literature

Introduction to the Chapter

Chapter two provides an overview of the research in criminology and prisoner adaptation which provides background for this study. These include studies of both male and female inmates. Library and information science user studies, primarily the research examining marginal populations, are then presented, after which the information use environment is detailed. II.

Criminology

Criminology is the study of the nature and extent of crime, and the policies used in dealing with crime and criminals.63

The criminology field encompasses prison

research because prisons are designed to discourage criminal behavior and imprisonment has become the most common punishment for lawbreakers.

Before scholars began

to examine penal institutions, most of the dialogue around prisons was discursive.

Academic research on male prisons

was initiated in the 1930s through studies that attempted to explain inmate responses to imprisonment.

Criminologist

Donald Clemmer's The Prison Community captured an ethnographic picture of prison society using conversations,

63 Sutherland,

E. H.

(1924). C r i minology.

Philadelphia: Lippincott.

32


biographies, prisoner essays and interviews.

From his

research, Clemmer formed what has come to be called the "prisonization" concept, which described the development of prisoner subcultures, as well as inmate codes.64

Clemmer

also produced a detailed analysis of prison group structure and inmate language based on his findings. Stanton Wheeler's examination of Clemmer's "prisonization" hypothesis (that imprisonment produces unique subcultures and codes) indicated that conformity to institutional norms varied depending on the stage of the inmate's career.65

He proposed the "U"-shaped hypothesis

after observing that conformity to institutional norms was higher at the beginning and at the end of imprisonment than in the middle.

In the middle of sentences inmates tended

to adhere to subcultures. In the mid-1950s, Gresham Sykes used a combination of research methods to identify social roles in male institutions.66

64 Clemmer, D.

He described the life patterns of the

(1940) . The prison c o m m unity.

New York: Holt, Rinehart

Sc

Winston.

65 Wheeler, S. (1959) . Social organization and inmate values in correctional communities, Proceedings of the American Correctional A s s o c i a t i o n . 189198. 66 Sykes, G. (1966) . Men, merchants, and toughs: A study of reactions to imprisonment. Social Problems. C4) , 130-38.

33


inmate community67 and uncovered the intricacies of staff to prisoner relationships by investigating prison subculture and staff behavior.

His theory suggested that the more

cohesive the prisoner society, the more it was capable of reducing the pains of imprisonment.68 Following Sykes, doctoral student Peter Garabedian conducted a study in which he administered a survey to measure inmate attitudes and assign role types identified in earlier research, such as the "square john" or the "politician".69 As Garabedian tabulated attitudes, his research uncovered the same pattern as Wheeler's did, but showed only two role types - square johns, and right guys as forming the ’’[/"-shaped curve.

Decades after Clemmer's

classic study, Hans Toch's research attempted to examine coping mechanisms in the prison environment. His study of New York correctional facilities sought to identify inmate needs for safety and security, which once fulfilled would prevent stress and pain.70

67 Giallambardo, R. (1966). Society of women: A study of a women's p r i s o n . John Wiley and Sons, Inc. 68 Bowker,

L. H.

(1977). Prisoner s u b cultures.

NY:

Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

69 Garabedian, P. (1959,). Western Penitentiary: A study in social organization. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle. 70 Toch, H. (1977) . Living in prison: Press.

The ecology of survival.

New York: The Free

34


Most of the early studies (1940 - 1960) attempted to develop new theories or tested established theories such as the inmate code, the "[/"-shaped curve, or the prison subculture premise.

Many of these investigations used

interviews, participant observation, and questionnaires. Clemmer and Sykes' research painted an ethnographic picture of the prison and its inhabitants. Toch's research sought out therapeutic remedies to the depriving nature of prisons. More recent criminology studies (197 0 -1980) were somewhat isolated - examining staff, racial, and philosophical issues - and focused less on theory development.71

Few of the studies explored the world of

female prisoners however. According to Grimwade, the criminology tradition has historically viewed the world of women in prison as peripheral to "real" issues.72

The early

studies of female prisoners employed the same investigative methods as studies of male prisoners. The only difference was, in studies of females, scholars assigned genderspecific terms to female behaviors that were different from

71 Bowker,

L. H.

(1977) .

72 Grimwade, C. (1999). Diminishing opportunities: Researching women's imprisonment. In. S. Cook & S. Davies (Eds.), Harsh punishment: International experiences of women's imprisonment. Boston: Northeastern University Press. 291-313.

35


male behaviors.73 After surveying the research, PollockByrne concluded that there was no tradition of research on the female prisoner subculture, since none of the research described women's prisonization separately from men's prisonization.74 I I I . Women and Criminology

In the 1950s, there were six reports presented in opinion articles, autobiographies, or as historical accounts that focused exclusively on female inmates.

A few

of them displayed an excessive interest in female homosexuality.75 The others, such as Poliak's The Criminality of Women, attempted to portray women as inherently deceitful,76 belaboring the "so called" sinister nature of women offenders. Much of the research after the 1950s offered a less pathological portrayal of the special conditions and needs of female prisoners.

The re-emergence

of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s is said to have played a major part in creating more concern in the field about women in prison. These newer studies were more diverse,

73 Fox, J. G. (1975). Women in crisis. Publishing Company. 181-204.

In H. Toch. Men in c r i s i s .

74 Pollock-Byrne, J. (1990). Women, prison, Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. 75 Bowker, L. H.

(1977) .

76 Giallambardo,

R.

Chicago: Aldine

and c r i m e . Pacific Grove,

(1966).

36


CA:

collected quantitative data, explored specific female prison programs, and shed light on the female prisoner subculture.77'78'79'80'81 Ward and Kassebaum's study of women prisoners at the California Institution for Women in Frontera represented a pioneering work.

Results of the research suggested that

women suffered more intensely than men from the loss of affection that prison imposes.82

Giallambardo's study, one

of the first to focus on the special problems of female offenders,83 examined nine aspects of the prison experience and compared women prisoner's roles and functions with the literature on male prisoners.

Using participant

observation, inmate files, interviews, conversations and questionnaires, the study provided a thorough examination of the workings of a prison.

The findings suggested that

" ___________________ (1966) . 78 Ward, D . , & Kassebaum, G. (1965). Women's prison: Chicago: Aldine - A t h e r t o n .

sex and social s t r u c t u re.

79 Glick, R., & Neto, V. (1977). National study of women's correctional p r o g r a m s . Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 80 Heffernan, E. (1972). Making it in prison: The square, New York: Wiley & Sons.

the cool and the L i f e .

81 Mitchell, A. (1975). Informal inmate social structure in prisons for women: A comparative study. San Francisco: R & E Research Associates. 82 Ward,

D. & Kassebaum,

83 Giallambardo,

R.

G. G.

(1965) .

(1966).

37


deprivation and gender roles combined to create a unique female prisoner subculture. Heffernan studied women in prison in order to "know what prisoners really want, think, and feel."

Using a

questionnaire to probe norms, relationships, and time in prison, Heffernan replicated Wheeler's test of the "prisonization" concept.84

The results showed an inmate

subculture in which the primary roles - the "square" (non criminal), the "cool," (professional criminal) and the "life" (habitual criminal) - emerged. In the mid 197 0s, Fox examined three female state prisons where he interviewed incarcerated women in order to compare their coping and self-injury levels with those of men.

Fox concluded that because women had fewer avenues of

recourse than men to the pain of imprisonment, they tended to be more inclined to injure themselves as a form of psychological release.85

Later in the 1970s, Glick and

Neto's survey of close to 100 prisons, jails and community programs gathered inmate and institutional data relating to women's health, education and motherhood.

84 Heffernan,

E.

85 Fox, J. G.

(1975) .

Results

(1972).

38


described women prisoners as predominantly young, black, poor and single.86 Many of the more recent studies of women in prison (1980s and 1990s) did not appear to contribute to criminology theory development, since they investigated an assortment of problems somewhat detached from one another. Nonetheless, the findings were useful in making the argument that while the world of imprisoned women mirrored that of men, at the same time that world was very different.

Enos' study of imprisoned mothers showed that

parenting responsibilities for some female prison inmates are doubly burdensome.87

Gilfus explored the factors that

contribute to women's involvement in criminal behavior88 suggesting that the sexual, physical, and psychological violence women experienced before adulthood served as a somewhat stronger force in their "criminalization" than was the case with men.

Her research showed that the survival

strategies abused women used to make it in the outside

86 Glick. R. & Neto, V.

(1977).

87 Enos, S. (2001). Mothering from the inside: State University of New York Press.

Parenting in a women's p r i s o n .

NY

88 Gilfus, M. E. (1992). From victims to survivors to offenders: Women's routes o entry and immersion into street crime. Women and Criminal Justice. (4)(1). 63-89 .

39


world tended to transition them from victim, to offender, to criminal. Other more recent assessments such as Acoca's survey of imprisoned women's physical problems and Boudin and Clark's experimental study of the AIDS epidemic in the Bedford Hills women's prison in New York noted a crisis in prison health needs among females.89

The impact of

• 90 -1 91 » • economics, gender, and-i race 9? '9 ^ on women's imprisonment

has continued to be of interest to scholars attempting to understand the reasons for the disproportionate number of women of color in American prisons.

89 Acoca, L. (1998). Defusing the time bomb: Understanding and meeting the growing health care needs of incarcerated women in America. Crime & Delinquency (44)(1). 49-69. 90 Miller, E. 91 Gilfus, M. 92

(1986). Street woman. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. E.

(1992) .

Arnold, R. A. (1991) . Process of victimization and criminalization of Black w o m e n . Social Justice. (17)(3), 153-166.

93 Raeder, M. S. (1993). Gender and sentencing: Single moms, battered women, other sex-based anomalies in the gender-free world of the federal sentencing guidelines. Pepperdine Law Review. (20), 905-90.

40


and

Best practices in education,94 training, and treatment programming for women have also been explored in the literature.95'96'97 Additionally, scholars proposing a new "critical" theory of corrections98 have judiciously analyzed the political and social influences on women's imprisonment. This new research approach suggests that the judicial and criminal justice apparatus is structured and designed to regulate women's morality and reproductive rights.99 Review of corrections literature showed that most of the problems facing women in prison have been examined. Major themes evolving from the literature include:

1)

Assessment: Who are these women and what are the prisons they inhabit like?

2) Subculture, adaptation, and coping:

94 Fine, M. , Torre, M. E., Boudin, M . , Missy, Roberts, R. A., Changing minds: The impact Effects on women in prison, and post-release o u t c o m e s . Center, City University of w w w .changingminds.w s / .

K., Bowen, I., Clark, J . , Hylton, D . , Martinez, Smart, R., & Upegui, D. (September, 2001). of college in a maximum-security prison: the prison environment, reincarceration rates New York: The Graduate School and University New York. [On-line]. Available:

95 Bloom, B. (November 2001). Gender-responsive programming for women offenders: Guiding principles and p r a c t i c e s . San Jose, CA: Administration of Justice Department, San Jose State University, San Jose, California. [Online], Available: www.csc-scc.gc.ca.edu 96 Andrews, D. A. & Dowden, C. (2000). A meta-analytic investigation into effective correctional intervention for female o f f e n d e r s . [On-line]. A v a i l a b l e : w w w .e s c - s e e .g c .ca/text/pblct/forum/vlln3/i n d e x e .s h t m l . 97 Fine,

et a l .,

(2001) .

98 Welch, M. (1999) . Punishment in America: Social control and the ironies of imprisonment. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. 99 Welch, M.

(1999) .

41


What do these women experience once in prison? How do they feel, adjust, and manage?

And 3) Support systems: In what

way has the prison changed and how much can it improve (in order to reduce the negative impact of imprisonment)? Examinations of prison subculture, adaptation, and coping will be presented next. These issues relate directly to the IUE. IV.

Prisoner Adaptation and Deprivation Theory

Prison adaptation research has attempted to identify the variables within the prison setting that most greatly impact inmate behavior.

Some adaptation researchers

suggested that aspects of prison life negatively influence inmate attitudes, self-concepts, interaction and values. They hypothesized that these influences could produce inmates less able to succeed in the community after release.

This view, presented by Clemmer,100 Garabedian,101

and others, has become known as the "deprivation" model of imprisonment.

According to deprivation theorists, the

prison environment prevents inmates from meeting basic human needs. Many inmates respond by creating a unique

100 Clemmer,

D.

(1940) .

101 Garabedian, P.O. (1963). Social roles and processes of socialization. Pr o b l e m s . (11), 139-152.

42


Social

underground society or social code. The inmate society which evolves in the deprivation model proceeds as follows; Figure IV: Deprivation Model Degradation ------- ► Solidarity

►'Repudiation

►Alternate social system

In the view of these theorists, the degradation of the prison environment leads to solidarity among inmates, repudiation of the prison system, and the development of an alternate inmate social system. Although degradation does, in fact, occur in women's prisons, the levels of solidarity and repudiation and the sophistication of the alternative system are reduced. For instance, some inmates may develop a communications underground through which they share information, but it may not reach the level of complexity currently represented in some male prisons. In terms of deprivation, Sykes102 suggested that all inmates experience five pains of imprisonment: loss of social acceptance, loss of material possessions, loss of personal security, loss of heterosexual relations, and personal autonomy.

How inmates respond to deprivations at

the group and individual level became the object of study for deprivation theorists.

102 Sykes, G.

M.

(1958). The society of c a p t i v e s . N J : Princeton University Press.

43


Most of the researchers who used the model focused on the social and organizational reactions of inmates to imprisonment. They suggested that inmates deal with deprivation by creating a system that opposes institutional authority.

Referred to as the "inmate code", this system

places emphasis on collective behaviors such as refusing to tell when an inmate violates rules, or refusing to help the administration with any discipline matters.

Inmates

adhering to the code indiscriminately reject treatment and work programs, and remain loyal to and in solidarity with other inmates.103

Group allegiance to the code produces an

underground culture in which inmates are accepted on their own terms. In following the code, confirming to the culture and accepting prisonization, inmates can achieve selfrespect, "reject their rejectors," and reduce the negative effects of imprisonment. The inmate code concept has been tested based on the level of prisonization observed relative to the conditions and contexts of deprivation.

Level of prisonization is

reflected in the number of inmates accepting the code and the strength of the code when tested.

Length of time

103 Wellford, C. (1967). Factors associated with adoption of the inmate code: A study of normative socialization. Journal of criminal law, criminology, and police science. (581967), 197-203.

44


served and type of facility are the primary conditions/contexts.

Researchers hypothesized that

extended time in custodial facilities would cause increased deprivation and increased prisonization behavior.

Some

studies examined the relationship of time served and sentence phase to prisonization confirming the "U"- shaped hypothesis (Wheeler 1961) 104 (Garabedian, 1963 )105 (Jensen and Jones 1966).106

Some questioned whether conventional

views recurred among inmates, 107,108 while others showed that the more time inmates served, the more committed they were to antisocial values.109 These findings suggested that more time in prison might lead to increases in antisocial attitudes. Researchers such as Akers, Hayner and Gruninger110 have referred to the deprivation model in order to account for higher levels of prisonization among inmates housed in 104 Wheeler, S. (1961). Socialization in correctional communities. Sociological Review. (26), 697-712.

American

105 Garabedian, P. C. (1963). Social roles and processes of socialization. Problems. (11), 139-152.

Social

106 Jensen, G. F. & Jones, D. (1976) . Perspectives on inmate culture: A study of women in prison. Social Forces. (54)(3), 590-603. 107 Wellford, 108 Wheeler,

C. S.

109 Garabedian,

(1967) . (1961) . P.

(1963).

110 Akers, R. L., Hayner, N. S. & Gruninger, W. (1977). Prisonization in five countries: Type of prison and inmate characteristics. Criminology. (14), 527-554.

45


custodial versus treatment facilities.

Feld111 found that

custodial institutions fostered higher levels of inmate violence, more alienation from staff, and less inmate solidarity.

His work is an example of how organizational

structure and deprivation impact the development of antisocial attitudes and behavior among inmates.

Some

deprivation scholars argued that prison fosters dependence on the institution which undermines inmate abilities to make decisions.112,113,114 These researchers suggested that life in a penal institution creates a sense of helplessness by limiting inmate choice and predictability. Importation theorists believe inmate characteristics have a more profound affect on prisoner behavior than the prison setting, and that these characteristics, not the environment, create the subculture.

In their view, inmate

behavior merely represents manifestations of pre imprisonment characteristics.

Street gangs are brought

111 Feld, B. C. (1981). A comparative analysis of organization structure and inmate subcultures in institutions for juvenile offenders. Crime and Delinquency. (27), 336-363. 112 Goffman, E. (1961) . Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inm a t e s . Garden City, NY: Anchor Books. 113 Goodstein, L. (1979). Inmate adjustment to prison and the transition to community life. Journal of Research on Crime and Delin q u e n c y , (16), 246272 . 114 Mackenzie, D. L., Goodstein, L., & Blouin, D.C. (1987). Personal control and prisoner adjustment: An empirical test of a proposed model. Journal of Research on Crime and Delinq u e n c y , (24), 49-68.

46


into prison, and individuals adopt roles based on previous criminal history. Irwin115 introduced importation theory in opposition to deprivation theory, arguing that inmate subcultures were simply extensions of the belief systems prisoners subscribed to before entering prison.

More scholars such

as Jacobs (197 6) 116 and Caroll (1974)117 joined Irwin arguing that the idea of a unified prisoner social organization was incorrect and simplistic.

These researchers suggested that

prison inmates are collected into many small subgroups who subscribe to varying norms and values and who compete with each other for power and influence. The varieties of subgroups that develop have changed over time since the U.S. prison population has become increasingly diverse.

Although some research has been

conducted about the relationship between race and inmate adjustment, little is known about how race is associated with prisonization.

Studies consistently showed Blacks

entering prison with highly prisonized attitudes, which they maintain throughout their prison terms. 115 Irwin, J.

(1970). The F e l o n .

Whites on the

Englewood Cliffs, N J : P r entice-Hall.

116 Jacobs, J. B. (1976). Stratification and conflict among prison inmates. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, (66), 476-482. 117 Carroll, L. (1974) . Hacks, Blacks, and cons: Race relations in a maximumsecurity prison. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

47


other hand, seem to develop prisonized attitudes only after exposure to the prison culture, exhibiting a linear increase in prisonized attitudes in some cases,118 or Wheeler's "[/"-shaped function in others.119

Some scholars

have suggested that racial differences in prisonization (between Blacks and whites) result from different levels of exposure to the inner city.

Goodstein and MacKenzie found

that when controlled for area of origin, race-based differences in prisonization disappeared.

This suggests

that inmates from urban backgrounds may enter prison already equipped with some prisonized attitudes. Violence in prison has interested criminology scholars for some time as well.

Many researchers believe

that changing demographics along with relaxation of prison control may have contributed to the development of more violent and less safe prisons in the 1960s.

In response to

increased violence in prisons, the number of studies investigating violence increased as well. These investigations replaced earlier preoccupations with

118 Goodstein, L., & MacKenzie, D. L. (1984). Racial differences in adjustment patterns of prison inmates - Prisonization, conflict, stress and control. In D. Georges Abeyie (Ed.), The criminal justice system and B l a c k s . New York: Clark Boardman. 119 Jensen, G. F. & Jones, D.

(1976) .

48


prisonization.

At the same time, a growing interest in

female adaptation was also developing. V.

Women and Adaptation

One important test of prisonization theory was whether it applied to the female prison population.

Since

scholars have examined women's adjustment to prison life for decades, the research represents a somewhat substantial body of work.

The studies examine female adjustment to

prison through the lens of the three primary theories that guided examinations of male adjustment to prison: 1) deprivation, 2) institutional dependency, and 3) importation.19 0 •

•

The research on women in prison filled a huge void and revealed differences worth noting between male and female inmates.121

For example, women's prisons were found

to be much less violent than men's, but at the same time, solidarity was less substantial in women's prisons.

These

facts describe a reduced form of deprivation (violence), and a reduced level of cohesion (solidarity). The "U"-shaped function is one manifestation of the subculture that develops from prison deprivation. The 120 Goodstein, L. & Mackenzie, D. L. (Eds.). The American prison: Issues in research and policy. Law, Society and P o l i c y , Volume 4. New York: Plenum Press.

121 Jensen, G. F. & Jones, D.

(1976) .

49


research relating to the "[/"-shaped function conducted with female inmates has had mixed results.

Studies conducted by

Tittle122 and Jenson and Jones123 produced findings consistent with the research on males and confirmed the function.

For Heffernan124 and Hartnagel and Gillan125

however, the function did not receive unqualified support. Other studies have found similarities across genders but with some modification. Giallombardo found that inmate codes did in fact exist, but that many of the rules related to codes were broken without severe consequences.126

Her research

suggested that prison deprivation could not account for the form the inmate social structure assumed in either male or female institutions, and that societal definitions of gender roles were more strongly reflected in those subcultures.

Gender role has also been labeled an

importation factor by other researchers as well who believe outside forces (along with inmate characteristics and the 122 Tittle, C. R. (1969). Inmate organization: Sex differentiation and the influence of criminal subcultures. American Sociological Review, (34), 492-505. 123 Jensen, G. F. & Jones, D. 124 Heffernan,

E.

(1976).

(1972) .

125 Hartnagel, T. F. & Gillan, M. E. (1980). Female prisoners and the inmate code. Pacific Sociological Review. (23)(1). 85-104. 126 Giallambardo, R.

(1966).

50


prison experience) have an impact on prison subculture. In comparison to men, women were more oriented to collectivist behaviors, and were seen to mitigate the pains of incarceration by developing marriage and kinship links with other inmates. Ward and Kassebaum's study of homosexuality focused on sexual and familial bonding and attempted to determine the most difficult aspects of the prison experience for female inmates.

The research showed that inmates might

utilize more than one adaptation at any given time or at various stages of their confinement, forming homosexual liaisons as a primary foundation of their social organization.

These liaisons served as alternatives to

psychological withdrawal, and were represented by noncohesive homosexual dyads and friendship. According to Heffernan, women developed family units in the prison setting as a rationale for the close relationships that relieve the tensions of prison life. These units also legitimize dependency and dominance roles that would not be appropriate in other areas of interaction.

Some family relationships she uncovered were

homosexual, but the process of "turning out" (into homosexuality) was one that developed gradually. 51


The type

of family - which represented the primary sub-cultural grouping in this prison - also depended greatly on the three major "argot" roles she identified - the "square," the "cool," and the "life." Jensen and Jones administered questionnaires to nearly two hundred female inmates to examine aspects of deprivation and importation theories.

Their findings

showed subscription to the code highest in the middle of inmates' institutional careers.

At the same time, the

environment and inmate background related to inmate acceptance of the code, and career phase was related to adherence to the code. adherence.

Age was the strongest predictor of

That is, younger women were more inclined to

adhere to the code than older women.

The researchers also

found that different types of inmates showed different patterns of adherence (misdemeanants versus felons).127 Research testing the importation theory has revealed characteristics such as age, prior imprisonment, race and area of origin to be related to prisonization among some female inmates.128'129 Age and prior imprisonment, for instance, were related to adherence to the code in research 127 Jensen, G. F. & Jones,

D.

128 ____________ 129 Hartnagel,

(1976). (1976).

T. F. & Gillan,

M. E.

(1980).

52


by Hartnagel and Gillan.

Their study found that younger

inmates, married inmates, and those with previous prison sentences brought a set of values to the prison that supported the inmate normative system.

The researchers

recommended a combination of imported characteristics and deprivation variables be used to best predict adherence to the inmate code among female prisoners. Giallombardo, Heffernan, and Ward and Kassebaum all found that women did not exhibit the toughness and opposition to staff commonly found in men's prisons.130 Much of this research into female prisons discovered that despite their conditions, women's behavior in prison was much less volatile that than of men.

Instead, the

examinations showed subcultures that reflected the high value women assign to cooperation, nurturance, and 101

support.

Women in prison have things in common that men do not.

Many male and female inmates experienced neglect and

exploitation in the past; however, women inmates have been disproportionately targeted for sexual abuse.

Also the

research has found that more women inmates are parents 130 Fox, J. G. (1982). Organizational and racial conflict in maximum-security p r i s o n s . Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. 131 Goodstein,

L., & MacKenzie,

D. L.

(1989).

53


solely responsible for their children, and many face economic struggles impacting their ability to provide adequate care of their children.

These pre-imprisonment

differences combined with differences exhibited while in prison suggested that the research on women in prison should be conducted differently than research on men in prison. According to Pollock-Byrne, prisonization has been measured with a male yardstick.

She has argued for a more

"woman centered" theory of prison adaptation and challenged scholars to examine female prisoners at face value stating: "The research on women prisoners suffers the most from . . . single-mindedness, since women deviate the farthest from the old value system. There may indeed be a female inmate code, but it must be found by phenomenological means - listening to women's views and values rather than attempting to measure them against an outdated and inappropriate male yardstick." 132 Byrne's criticisms could be used by some to question the validity of male-centered research on women. This should not be the case. Despite its flaws, the research on women in prison actually makes the differences between men and women inmates known. These differences support PollockByrne 's complaints.

Studies of women in prison have

produced quite accurate portrayals of the female prison environment. The studies shed light on women's 132 Pollock-Byrne,

J.

(1990).

54


characteristics and adaptive behaviors, which can then be examined by scholars in a variety of fields including library and information science.

The findings give

grounding to this study because many of the factors examined in corrections research - population, problems, coping behavior - mirror information use environment elements. According to Childers and Post, a major barrier to information is the individual's predisposition - attitudes and philosophies.

In their view, the most disadvantaged

individual is the one on whom several social and personal disadvantages converge (such as poverty, poor education, social isolation, and ethnic discrimination).

This

individual is the one who has never known any other way of life, and is the one who is resigned to existing conditions, convinced that no act of his [sic] own will alter them.133

The findings in deprivation research are

strikingly similar.

Deprivation theorists have stated that

one of the attributes that appears to be valuable for prisoner survival is a sense of efficacy, a belief in oneself as being able to get things done.

In psychology,

133 Childers, T. (1975). The information-poor in A m e r i c a . Metuchen, Scarecrow Press, Inc.

55


N J : The

this attribute has become known as an internal locus of control (Bandura, 1977).134 Theorists argue that individuals with this type of perspective believe that events are not random or attributable to fate or chance, perceiving instead that their efforts will result in desired outcomes.

These

inmates find ways to maximize their choices, exert control over outcomes, and seek information to enhance the predictability of personally relevant future events.135 Having a sense of "agency" is connected to this concept of locus of control. Agency has been defined as the sense that one is the cause or author of one's thought or movement. Another definition, offered by Giroux, is a process of "testing of boundaries and limits as part of a communal, collective process."136 In a broad sense, agency refers to

axong genaer xines.

(une example is craaicionai aavencure

134 Bandura, A. (1977). Toward a unified theory of behavioral change. Psychological Review. (84), 191-215. 135 Goodstein, L., & Wright, K. N. (1984). Inmate adjustment to prison. In Goodstein, L. & Mackenzie, D. L. (Eds.). The American prison: Issues in research and policy. Law, Society and P o licy, Volume 4. 229-251. New York: Plenum P r e s s . 136 Giroux, H. A., (year). Private satisfactions and public disorders: Fight Club, Patriarchy, and the politics of masculine violence. [Online]. A v a i l a b l e : w w w . g s e i s .u c l a .edu/courses/ed253a/FightClub 137 Deleuze, G . , Department of English and Writing, Southern Oregon University Web Site. T e r m s . [Online]. Available: www.sou.edu/English/IDTC/Terms/terms.htm. Accessed November 2003.

56


narratives in which the male typically acts while women admire or reflect on men's actions. Women may also act, but in a subordinate capacity.) Communication theorists have suggested that information acquisition and its proper use are the basis of effective human functioning,138 which can be stifled when attempts to access information are met with disapproval and discouragement. A term that comes from the communications field called the "chilling effect" is analogous to this process of discouragement. The "chilling effect" refers to circumstances in which speech is stifled or limited by an individual's or group's fear of punishment. The most common example used is the threat of an expensive legal suit, which might prompt self-censorship and therefore have a chilling effect on free speech.139 The term has appeared in discussions of the "Fairness Doctrine" and debates centered on co-ownership of media outlets.140,141 The prison connection

138 Dervin, B. (1976). The everyday information needs of the average citizen: A taxonomy for analysis. In Kochen, M & Donohue, J. C. (Eds.), Information for the c o m m unity. 19-38. 139 Hazlett, T. and Sosa, D. (1997). Chilling the Internet? [Online]. Available: w w w . h f a c .uh.edu/comm/media_libel/libel/definition.h t m l . 140 Communications Workers of America. (2003). News Release In FCC F i l i n g , Communications Workers Cite Continuing Need to Curb Media Concentration 'To Preserve a Vibrant Free Press'. [Online], Available: www.cwau n i o n .org/news/PressReleaseDisplay.asp?ID=314

57


emerges when criminology, communications, and information science theories coalesce. The controlling nature of prison limits information seeking, resulting in the stifling of access. When aligned in this way with prisonization research, the utility of library and information science user studies and the IUE in particular are all the more apparent. VI.

Library and Information Science and User Studies

Library and information science user studies encompass research examining the information needs of many social groups including ordinary citizens, minorities, the poor, and the underserved.

These studies have for decades

examined the role of human factors in information needs, information seeking, and information behavior, and represent the foundation from which the information use environment model was created.

As it exists, the IUE model

offers a holistic framework for portraying the information world of imprisoned women, an under researched population in general, whose information needs and problems are missing for the most part from the library and information science literature.

141 The Financial Services Roundtable. (2003). Joint Association Letter to the U.S. Senate April 26, 2 0 0 1 . [Online]. Available: www.fsround.org/AssociationletterApril.html

58


Library and information science has taken three approaches to the study of information transfer: the technological approach, the content-driven approach, and the user approach.142 The technological approach looks at the shape, size, function and dynamism of information such as those used in computer-based systems.

The content

driven approach is concerned with the classification and ordering of knowledge, such as the Dewey Decimal and Library of Congress classification systems. As scholars began to realize that questions in information needs, seeking and use could not be answered from only a system or content point of view, the user became the focus of research.

Because information needs

are intimately connected to other basic human needs (emotional, physiological) user studies have often taken a multidisciplinary approach to information problems.143

A

few of the methods used to investigate user needs have included interview,144 observation, 145,146 transaction logs,147

142 Taylor, R. S. (1991). Information use environments, In Dervin, B., & Voigt, J. (Eds.), Progress in Communication Scie n c e s . Volume X, Norwood, N J : ABLEX Publishing Corporation. 143 Wilson, T. D. (1980). Recent trends in user studies: Action research and qualitative m e t h o d s . [On-line]. Available: h t t p ://informationr.n et/ir/5 3/paper7 6.h t m l . 144 Kulthau, C. C. (1991). Inside the search process. Journal of the American Society for Information S cience,(42), 361-371.

59


experimental studies,148 survey research, and user studies.149 Information science scholar Robert Taylor was one of the first to propose a formal model for information seeking behavior that put the user at the center of the process.150 Subsequently, other scholars proposed new theories related to information use.151,152,153 Kulthau viewed information as contributing to understanding and meaning (1993).

Her

model was holistic, and incorporated physical, emotional,

145 Solomon, P. (1993). Children's information retrieval behavior: A case analysis of an O P A C . Journal of the American Society for Information S c i e n c e . (44)(5), 245-264. 146 Wilson, T. D. (1981). On user studies and information needs. Journal of Documentation. (37)(1), 3-15. 147 Fidel, R. (1984). (1986). Online-searching styles: A case-study-based model of searching behavior. Journal of the American Society for Information Science. (35)(4), 211-221. 148 Borgman, C. L. (1986). The user's mental model of an information retrieval system: An experiment on a prototype online catalog. International Journal of Man-Machine Studies. (24) (1), 47-64. 149 Bookstein, A. (19). Questionnaire research in library settings. Journal of Academic Librarianship, ( H ) (1), 24-28. 150 Eskola, E. (October, 1998). University students' information seeking behavior in a changing learning environment: How are students' information needs, seeking and use affected by new teaching methods? Information R e s e a r c h .(4) ( 2 ) [On-line]. Available: http://informationr.net/ir/42/d o c p a p s .h t m l . 151 Dervin, B. (May, 1983). An overview of sense-making research: Concepts, methods, and results to d a t e . Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Dallas, TX. [On-line]. Available: h t t p ://communication.s b s .o h i o - s t a t e .edu/sense-making/a r t /artdervin83.h t m l . 152 Belkin, N. (1980) . Anomalous states of knowledge as a basis for information retrieval, The Canadian Journal of Information S c i e n c e . (5), 133-143. 153 Fine, S. School of Information Sciences, Department of Library and Information Science, (Fall, 1992). Behavioral Issues Course Lecture, Library and Information Science Core Course.

60


cognitive, and task specific dimensions of information seeking behavior. Ingwersen and Belkin154 described information seeking as a personal process of interaction between the individual and the information system.

Belkin et al., (1982) viewed

information need as an anomalous state of knowledge (ASK), described as a strange, unusual or uncomfortable state of uncertainty that is transformed into a strategy through which an information need is satisfied.

Dervin and Nilan

(1986) labeled the need as a gap in the individual's knowledge that prevented the user from making sense of a particular situation.

Their expansion of the user-centered

model proposed by Taylor came to be known as the "sense making" approach to the study of information seeking behavior. Other scholars such as Ellis (1989) 155 and Wilson156 identified additional elements that describe the information behavior of users. Ellis established six characteristics constituting the principal features of 154 Eskola,

E.

(1998) .

155 Ellis, D. (1989) . A behavioural approach to information retrieval design. Journal of Documentation, (46), 318-338. 156 Wilson, T. D. (1997). Information behavior: An interdisciplinary perspective. In: P. Vakkari, R. Savolainen and B. Dervin (Eds.) Information seeking in c o n t e x t . Proceedings of the international conference on research in information needs, seeking and use in different contexts. London: Taylor Graphm. 39-50.

61


individual information seeking patterns: starting, chaining, browsing, differentiating, monitoring, and extracting.

Wilson developed a model of information

behavior consisting of information need seeking exchange and use.

The depth and breath of user studies prevent

including all the research here.

This literature review

focuses primarily on studies in the library and information science literature involving marginalized populations. This rich body of research examines the ways ordinary people (including the urban poor, who are disproportionately represented in the prison population) seek information to solve everyday problems. A three-part study conducted in the 197 0s by Dervin et al., attempted to devise strategies for. meeting the information needs of urban residents.

Results of the

research suggest that people find help for information problems when and where they can, making proximity and familiarity significant factors in information provision. The research also suggested that individuals rarely use information agencies to cope with everyday problems. Flexible, communication-based systems and procedures were

62


identified as the most effective methods professionals should use to assist the population.157 Also during this era, theorists began to observe that there were two separate and unequal information populations in American society - one was "information rich" and one was "information poor".

This awareness led scholars into

discussions of information inequity, and information poverty,158 and into investigations of populations labeled as "information poor." A number of library and information science researchers, including Childers and Post (1975), Dervin (1977) and Chatman (1985, 1987, 1990), have made the concept of information poverty the focus of their work. Childers and Post's 1975 book entitled The Information Poor in America is perhaps the most comprehensive treatment focusing on the information poor. The authors have suggested that individuals who suffer economically are often also information poor.

The groups identified as

typically having less education and lower income - were

157 Dervin, B., Zweizig, D . , Banister, M . , Gabriel, M. , Hall, E. P., & Kwan, C., (with Bowes, J, & Stamm, K . ) . (1976) . The development of strategies for dealing with the information needs of urban residents: Phase 1: Citizen s t u d y . Washington, DC: U.S. Office of Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 125 640). 158 Dervin, B. (1977-06). Communicating with, not to, the urban p o o r . Washington, DC: National Institute of Education ERIC/CUE Urban Diversity Series Number 50 (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 150 240).

63


Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, other Spanish speaking populations, American Indians, Eskimos [sic], poor Blacks and whites, Appalachians, poor farmers, migrant workers, aging adults, prisoners, and the blind and deaf.159 According to Dervin,160 research consistently shows that people with little education and low incomes are less likely to be information seekers.

Her research has

indicated that these individuals did not typically have informed interpersonal contacts, nor did they use expert information sources.

They also were less aware of

information sources, had few information processing skills, less background information to help them understand information messages, and tended not to expose themselves to high information content print media. Chatman, like Dervin, focused much of her research on information issues that related to the poor, people of color and the marginalized.

Chatman's study of janitors at

a North Carolina University indicated that although the population had a number of personal needs (health, career opportunities), the work environment offered few sources of

159 Childers,

T., and Post, J. A.

(1975). pp. 78-79.

160 Dervin, B. Communication gaps and inequities: Moving toward a reconceptualization. In Dervin, B., and Voigt, M. J. (Eds.), Progress in Communication Sciences Volume II. Norwood N J : ABLEX Publishing Corporation.

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helpful information.

Respondents did not use the library,

and in addition to being indifferent to print,

(except for

newspapers and the Bible), had limited reading skills and had psychological and social barriers to information acquisition.161 Another study by Chatman indicated that the most credible source of information for a group of working poor individuals was someone who had first-hand experience with the subject.

These respondents preferred print media,

which they perceived as their most credible source, and were relatively low consumers of television, which they considered the least credible of mass media types.

The

findings indicate that in investigating information and poverty, it cannot be assumed that poor people are uneducated or non-print oriented.162 Her research conflicts with Childers and Post's which suggested that the information poor rely primarily on television as the mass medium of choice.163 Chatman later set out to answer a series of questions related to opinion leadership in low-income populations in 161 Chatman, E. A. (1987) . The information world of low skilled workers. and Information Science Research, (9) (4), 265-283.

Library

162 Chatman, E. A. (1985), Information, mass media and the working poor. Library and Information Science Research, (7), 97-113. 163 Childers,

T.

(1975) .

65


her study of 50 low-income female heads of household. The study also aimed to assess the degree to which important information was diffused in a unique setting.

The study

confirmed the existence of characteristics attributed to opinion leaders, but found no evidence of information being diffused.

Participants kept information about job openings

secret in order to increase their personal chances of employment.

Chatman urged that more research be conducted

around practical, timely information, particularly for the poor.164 Another study by Chatman applied alienation theory, to information behavior among janitors.

Although the mass

media were sources of everyday information, neighbors and friends were not.

Instead, the janitors believed neighbors

were not more informed and considered them to be undesirable associates as well.

These beliefs along with a

restrictive work schedule reduced their informal information networks.165 Drawing from these and other studies examining the information world of the poor, Chatman devised four concepts that form the basis for defining an impoverished 164 Chatman, E. A. (1987). Opinion leadership, R Q , (26) (3), 333-341.

poverty,

and information sharing.

165 Chatman, E. A. (1990). Alienation theory: application of a conceptual framework to a study of information among janitors. RQ, (29) (3), 335-368.

66


information life world: 1) risk taking, 2) secrecy, 3) deception and 4) situational relevance.

Her findings

suggested that the world of information insiders was one in which outsiders (the poor and marginalized) were not sought for information, where mainstream norms defined what information was important, and where information needs and sources were very localized.166 Other studies supported the existence of an information poor population and called for changes in approaches to the population.

Darcy and Ohri's examination

of community information needs found that the public library was not equipped to support the needs of the community. They recommended that libraries make more non text resources readily available.167 Spink and Cole's study of African- American housing community residents showed that these residents used different channels for information than middle- class citizens and did not benefit from information at the same level as did middle-class citizens.168

166 Chatman, E. A. (1996). The impoverished life-world of outsiders. Journal of the American Society for Information Science, (47) (3), 193-206. 167 Darcy B., & Ohri, A. (1978). Libraries are ours: The public library as a source of information for community g r o u p s . London: Community Projects Foun d a t i o n . 168 Spink, A. & Cole, C. (2001). Information and poverty: Information-seeking channels used by African-American low-income hou s e h o l d s . Library & Information Science Research. Vol. 2 3 : p p . 4 5-65.

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Dewdney and Harris'

(1992) research is particularly

significant to the study of imprisoned women's information needs. One study raised concerns about the quality of information given to battered women when results revealed frequent mismatches between the information women sought and the help that was provided. The study showed that there were roadblocks to information seeking because social service agency representatives were not always aware of the level of violence women faced, did not adequately interview callers to determine whether they were safe, and had not been properly trained to make the most effective and appropriate referrals.169

In a later study, Harris and

colleagues found that battered women coped with their abuse by seeking a better understanding of themselves and their situations, often looking to friends and family members for support.

The women most frequently sought out counseling

assistance and emotional support from people who demonstrated a caring attitude toward them.170 All of these studies point to differences in information acquisition and use. More recent examinations

169 Dewdney, P., & Harris, R. M. (1994) . Community information needs: The case of wife assault. Library and Information Science Research, (14), 295-299. 170 Harris, R., Stickney, J . , Grasley, C., Hutchinson, G., Greaves, L., & Boyd, (2001). Searching for help and information abused women speak out. Library & Information Science Research, (23), 123-141.

68


T.

of basic information needs have included discussions of the concept of "information literacy." According to the Final Report of the American Library Association Presidential Committee on Information Literacy, information literacy refers to a constellation of skills revolving around information research and use. In their view, the information literate person is, "...able to recognize when information is needed and have the ability to locate, evaluate, and use it effectively."171 The National Forum on Information Literacy has defined information literacy as the "ability to know when there is a need for information and to be able to identify, locate, evaluate, and effectively use that information for the issue or problem at hand."172

VII.

Library and Information Science Prison Studies

Searches for literature that would contribute to this study did uncover a few library and information science studies of prisons. Stevens' study of three prisons in England relied mainly on semi-structured interviews with

171

American Library Association Presidential Committee on Information Literacy. January 1989 [Online]. Available: w w w . i n f o l i t .org/documents/89Report.htm.

172

The National Forum on Information Literacy. Forum O v e r v i e w . Available: www.infolit.org

[Online].

69


prison staff and inmates.

His research showed that inmates

perceived formal channels of information as ineffective, that the prison population had characteristics verydifferent from the general population, and that the length of sentence and the time left to serve exercised important controls over inmates' information. The nature of the prison regime also affected inmate ability to obtain information.

The three major observations Stevens made

were 1) in some cases information needs were not addressed at all, 2) inmates developed ways to circumvent the system, and 3) many inmates preferred to access information independently, using their own information networks.173 Stevens also found that as inmates sought out non establishment information misinformation was sometimes acquired. Misinformation has been defined as erroneous or incorrect information.174 It differs from propaganda in that it always refers to something which is not true, and differs from disinformation in that it is "intention neutral:" it isn’t deliberate, it’s just wrong or mistaken.175 Because inmates have been found to form unique

173 Stevens

(1994).

174 Oxford English Dic t i o n a r y . (1989). 2nd ed. 175 The Sheridan Libraries of the Johns Hopkins University. Information and its counterfeits: Propaganda, misinformation and disinformation. [Online]. A v a i l a b l e : w w w .library.j h u .edu/elp/useit/evaluate/counterfeit.html

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cultural sub groupings, the emergence of misinformation in the prison setting is not surprising. A more recent study by Chatman on women in a maximumsecurity prison uncovered a localized inmate-specific worldview among the women, which allowed them to adapt to the prison environment.

In her view, the women functioned

quite well, and did not suffer from information poverty, in managing their worlds, despite the restrictive prison environment.176 At the same time, however, aspects of the women's behavior could potentially undermine post-release success. For example, in many cases women did not want to be aware of current events and did not contact family because of the pain associated with being locked up. This self-imposed isolation could be putting the women at a disadvantage when they reenter mainstream society. As these studies bear out, the library and information science field has a rich body of research related to ordinary people, the poor, and special populations, many of whom have characteristics and life circumstances similar to prison inmates.

Major findings

suggest that: 1) the poor, people of color, the

X76 Chatman, E. A. (1999) . A theory of life in the round. Journal of the American society for information science. (50)(3), 207-217.

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institutionalized and women have access to less information than the mainstream population, 2) marginalized populations do not regularly use formal methods such as the library to obtain information, 3) secrecy is sometimes employed with regard to asking for or sharing valuable information, 4) information behavior differs from setting to setting and population to population, and 5) the prison setting greatly influences information behavior. VIII.

The Information Use Environment

While many user studies have examined non-mainstream populations, few have used the information use environment model.

And although the model has been applied to various

groups177,178,179 it has not been used to study prisoners, nor has it been utilized specifically in research on women in prison. Criminology research on women in prison has explored the problems women face as a result of imprisonment and suggested solutions to those problems.

The research has

also looked at the behaviors exhibited by women in prison

177 Francis, H. (1998). The information use environment: A descriptive study of a sub-set of agriculturists in the developing country of Trinidad and T o b a g o . Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Syracuse University, New York. 178 Rosenbaum, H. (1996) . Managers and information in organizations: Towards a structurational concept of the information use environment of m a n a g e r s . Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Syracuse University, New York. 179 Agada, J.

(1999) .

72


and examined the reasons for this behavior.

The research

foci - the prison, the women, their problems and recommended solutions - parallel the four facets of the information use environment.

Although the behaviors are

not described in library and information science terms (for obvious reasons), prison adaptation behavior does affect acquisition of information. One example is the inmate subcultures, which represent social environments within the prison setting. In these environments information unique to the group is accessed, shared and used based on group make-up, group status, group purpose, and group nature.180

The criminology

literature has also suggested that the ways women communicate are greatly influenced by the nature or purpose of the institution, a factor examined in the IUE model. These parallels in criminology and library and information science research, and the IUE were helpful in synthesizing the knowledge that informed this study.181 Taylor crafted the phrase "information use environment" over ten years ago to describe the context of elements that influence the presence and use of information

180 Heffernan,

E.

(1972).

181 Taylor, R.

(1990) .

73


within a home, organization, or institution.

His research

and writings point to the significance of the conditions and circumstances under which information is created, shared, managed and disseminated within a closed environment.

Taylor applied the framework to a theoretical

examination of the IUE of engineers, doctors, and legislators, and found it to be valuable in identifying the unique information conditions within each group. The ability to know when information is needed (a defining aspect of information literacy) presupposes full understanding of the problem. Taylor has discussed in more detail the various dimensions of problems as part of his development of the information use environment framework. These include well structured versus ill-structured problems, complex versus simple problems, assumptions about problems (an example might be whether the individual believes the problems are or are not solvable), and familiar problems versus new patterns of problems.182 As for other studies utilizing the model, Agada applied the model in a study of community activists/organizers, whom he described as "inner-city gatekeepers." His research demonstrated that the leaders

182 ___________

(1990) .

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were not aware of information that could be helpful either to them or to the African-American community they served. His study supports the information insider/outsider phenomenon reported by Chatman (1991) and Dervin (1976), and reveals limitations in the range of services utilized by the population.183. Francis's study of agriculturists established that their problems typically centered on work constraints, that their IUE was greatly affected by lack of access to information, and that the model was very useful in describing the agriculturist's information use patterns. Rosenbaum's study of managers using the model determined the relationship between structure and action within a public sector organization.

His findings showed that this

particular IUE was comprised of rules, resources, problems and solutions, that managers' information behavior entailed producing, gathering, filtering and sharing information, and that there were relationships between the IUE and information behaviors. Rosenbaum also found that there were tensions among certain IUE elements, which created problems and led to changes of rules and resources.

Chikonzo and Aina's study

183 Agada, J. (1999). Inner-city gatekeepers: An exploratory survey of their information use environment. Journal of the American Society for Information Science. (50) (1), 74-85.

75


of veterinary researchers at the University of Zimbabwe loosely examined the information environment of that population, finding that the most highly accessed information was provided at veterinary conferences outside the university setting.

As such, the IUE extended outside

the geographical setting to include resources available beyond the university. Cool and Xie studied the information use environment of a corporate engineering community to determine levels of available resources and satisfaction with information. Reasons for using information and relationships between access, frequency, and satisfaction of use were also explored.

The researchers found varying levels of access,

use, and satisfaction with regard to human, electronic and other information resources.

Most often, use was

influenced by social factors.

The results of their study

suggested that attention should be paid to relationships among the various aspects of information systems studied. No major hypotheses have evolved from the information use environment literature; the current usefulness of the model is its utility as a framework for studying unique and different populations.

It may be some time before a theory

informing the use of the model emerges. 76


IV.

Summary

The major themes evolving from criminology research have to do with: 1) assessment, 2) subculture and coping, and 3) support systems.

Few research studies were carried

out in women's prisons. The research that does exist simply compared women to men and utilized the research methods used in studies of male prisons. This practice led researchers to call for exclusive studies of women prisoners independent of the male research tradition. Library science user studies have a long history, are multidisciplinary and have a solid body of research related to special populations, particularly those outside the margin.

These studies also represent the foundation for

the information use environment, which has been utilized by a number of scholars to examine the information needs and behaviors of a wide range of information user groups. Using Taylor's conceptual framework, this study examines the ways characteristics and circumstances related to women in prison converge to affect their information seeking and use.

The findings should inform library and information

science research, and practice.

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Chapter Three:

I.

Research Methods

Introduction, to the Chapter

Chapter three presents the methodology used in the study.

The research strategy was case study; the

information use environment (IUE) was the research framework utilized, and data was compiled via document examination, interview, and causal observation. Institutional documents were collected, semi-structured interviews with staff and inmates were conducted, and daily occurrences observed on-site. Documents were examined using content analysis. Interview data was examined using interpretive analysis. Surveys were also collected during one of the site visits. II.

Research Questions

The research questions employed in this study were designed to generate the data from which conclusions were drawn. They are: 1.

What kinds of problems do the women encounter on a daily basis? Are the problems other types? Are women, or common population under

2.

legal, medical, family or they unique to individual to the general population or study?

How does the prison setting impact the women's information behavior? 78


In what ways does the history, structure, style, sphere of influence and access to information within the prison setting affect these women's information behavior? 3.

What is the criterion of information value employed by the women? Do personal assumptions about their conditions, the institution, or prison staff solve or exacerbate existing problems? In what ways do age, race, sentence phase, or education level impact information access? How do media and social networks impact information acquisition?

4.

To what degree does the information accessed solve the women's problems? In what ways are the women able to use information provided - to better understand their problems, gain factual information, confirm beliefs, be motivated or know "what to do" to solve a specific problem?

III. Data Collection Methods and Rationale

The data collection methods used to answer the research questions included document analysis and interviews. Staff and inmates were questioned about types of problems inmates have, types of information inmates need, and people inmates access or avoid as they attempt to resolve problems. Documents were evaluated in order to describe the setting, using Taylor's four criteria for portraying an information setting; domain, history, structure/style, and information access.

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A.

Pilot Interviews

Three pilot interviews with one Caucasian woman and two African-American women were carried out in January 2003 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania prior to interviews with inmates and staff at SCI-Muncy. The study interview schedule, Appendix D, was used with the pilot respondents, all of whom had previously been incarcerated.

The pilot

interviews were conducted in order for the researcher to get a sense of the time required for completion of interviews and the type of data produced from the interview process. All three pilot interview respondents had been previously incarcerated and all were natives of Pittsburgh. All three were over 40. One had been incarcerated in an Ohio jail for women as well as in the Allegheny County Jail in Pittsburgh. Another had been incarcerated in the Allegheny County Jail only, and the third had been incarcerated in the State Correctional Institution (SCI) at Muncy, the Philadelphia House of Corrections, and two other jails in Pennsylvania. Two of the women graduated from high school and attended college. One had a college degree. One woman had earned a G.E.D. and has attended various training programs. 80


One of the women had four children and the two others had no children. Two of the women were previously addicted to drugs; one was not. The researcher knew two of the pilot respondents personally; one was a stranger. Interviews were conducted in Pittsburgh and ranged in length from one and one-half to two and one-half hours. Respondents were informed of the nature and purpose of the interviews; only three respondents were approached and no respondent turned the researcher down. The pilot interviews enabled measurement of the amount of time required for each interview, assessment of the interviewees' understanding of questions, and related to that, examination of the types of 'answers' the questions elicited. The pilot interview process also showed that the time allotted for study interviews was adequate. The interview data also showed that more simple language would be required for the interviews in order to get to the heart of the questions in the interview schedule. For instance, the interview respondents were slow to describe their "problems" but seemed to respond more easily to questions about what frustrated them, what things were most difficult for them, and how they felt about their prison experiences. The pilot interviews also enabled the researcher to 81


recognize the need to be assertive enough during the interview process to complete the interview schedule without appearing insensitive or intrusive. In one or two instances, when a respondent did not address the question asked, the question was either rephrased or repeated. B.

Staff Interviews

i.

Process

In July 2002, the Pennsylvania State Department of Corrections granted approval to conduct the dissertation study at SCI-Muncy. At that time, an administrator was selected as the prison contact. During the university Institutional Review Board approval process (October 2 002 through January 2003), the institution selected a new contact person referred to herein as ADM. The week of January 6, the researcher called the new contact to arrange a first visit to the institution to conduct staff interviews, to collect documents, and to administer surveys and consent forms to female inmates. A copy of Appendix F, Document Description was sent to the administrator as an e-mail attachment along with copies of the survey instrument, the interview schedule, and the research consent form. Hard copies of these documents were mailed to the administrator as well. Interviews with staff were conducted January 27 and 28, 2003. 82


A total of eight staff were interviewed at SCI-Muncy in January, 2003. On January 27, two officers, one counselor, and one administrator were interviewed. The officers were one Caucasian female and one Caucasian male. The administrator was a Caucasian female and the counselor was a Caucasian female. On January 28, two officers, the school principal and the prison librarian were interviewed. One officer was a Caucasian female; one was an African American female. The prison school principal was a Caucasian male and the prison librarian was a Caucasian female. Interviews with staff were conducted from 8:30 am to 4:30 pm with a forty-minute break for lunch. The shortest interview lasted one hour and the longest, two hours. The majority of the interviews lasted between one and one-half hours to one hour and forty minutes. Semi-structured interviews were used because they have been described as best in situations where follow-up interviews are not possible. Staff were asked the questions that are on Appendix E: Staff Interview Schedule. Prior to questioning, the researcher described the nature and purpose of the interviews to respondents. The security restrictions of the prison allowed for one semi-structured interview only. All interviews were recorded using freehand 83


notes taken during sessions. Staff interviews were conducted in a room adjacent to the library, in an administrative office in the school building, and in the ADM's personal office. Interview notes were reviewed each evening after the data was collected. The researcher had requested that officers be employed full-time at the prison for more than two years so that their work experiences would enable them to adequately respond to interview questions. It was also suggested that a combination of African-American, Caucasian, male, and female correctional officers should be interview respondents. There were no criteria for selection of the prison librarian and school principal since only one of each of these professionals was employed at the institution. The administrator selected the prison counselor who was interviewed. With the exception of the school principal (a new hire), all staff had been employed at the institution at least two years and at least two staff members had been employed at the institution more than seven years. ii.

Rationale

The prison librarian's role, though constrained in the prison environment, is to provide information resources for 84


clients in the correctional institution. The prison librarian at SCI-Muncy was interviewed in order to identify the types of problems she sees women who come to the library having, to ascertain the types of information women seek in the library to solve their problems, and to identify the kind of information she believes would be helpful to women. Correctional education focuses on "changing the behavior of offenders through planned learning experiences and environments," and aims to "develop or enhance the knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values of incarcerated youth and adults."184 The prison school principal at SCIMuncy is aware of the female inmates' educational abilities and is responsible for providing appropriate educational services and resources for incarcerated women. The principal also has knowledge about how the women's education skills may impact their ability to evaluate information. Prison counselors have a number of job responsibilities. They make recommendations to the courts, prepare assessments, and provide services to prison inmates, people on probation, parolees, and their families. 184 U.S. Department of Education (2002) Correctional Education. [On-line], A v a i l a b l e : www.ed.gov)VA#/AdultEd/fact-1 0 .htm.

85


They also evaluate inmate progress and work with inmates and other agencies to develop parole and release plans when clients are eligible for release. Additionally, they plan educational and training programs, and counsel offenders on their coping and anger management skills, and drug or sexual abuse.185 The prison counselor was interviewed in order to learn about the types of problems women have and how they cope with those problems. Correctional officers are responsible for overseeing individuals who have been arrested and are awaiting trial or who have been convicted of a crime and sentenced to serve time in a jail, reformatory, or penitentiary.

They

maintain order within the institution, and enforce rules and regulations, monitor the activities and supervise the work assignments of inmates.

Officers report orally and in

writing to superiors on inmate conduct and on the quality and quantity of work done by inmates.186 Prison correctional officers were interviewed in order to ascertain the types of problems they see inmates having in their day to day activities, as well as what they know about how inmates go about solving those problems. 185 Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2002). Social W o r k e r s . (On-line], Available: h t t p ://www.bis.gov/oco/ocos060.htm. 186 Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2002) Correctional O f f i c e r s . [On-line]. Available: www.bis.gov/oco/ocosl56.htm.

86


A senior level administrator (ADM) who had held a previous position at the prison as a unit manager was also interviewed. Her awareness of inmate problems generates from contact with inmates who directly request meetings to discuss their difficulties and from information she receives from subordinate staff about inmate problems. C.

Survey Collection

On January 27 the ADM unlocked the door to the Bethune Housing Unit at SCI-Muncy and entered the building with the researcher. One half of the rectangular structure was visible. Women were observed on both the ground and upper levels of the structure in their cells, which ran around the outer perimeter of the building in a right hand 'U' shape: Figure V. Bethune Housing Unit Diagram common area

cells

The women were either sitting on their beds or standing in their cells on each level of the unit. Approximately 11 cells are on each level and women are housed four to a cell. There are no doors on the cells. A 87


railing surrounds the upper level cells in the housing unit. The ADM first greeted the staff that work in a control unit above ground level and to the left of the common area. The ADM introduced staff to the researcher. The ADM then went to the middle of the ground floor 'common' area and yelled out to all the women on both levels asking for their attention. The women quieted down and the ADM continued to shout out the reason for her presence and the nature of the researcher's visit. She then introduced the researcher to the women and asked them to listen respectfully to what would be explained next. The researcher then walked to the far left area of the common area and yelled out information about her visit, the goals of the study and the benefits of the study to the women. The researcher also explained the reason for the consent forms and described how the inmates should complete them. When the ADM and researcher were finished talking, both walked around to the inmates and handed out the study surveys and consent forms. 87 surveys (Appendix B) were collected and 87 consent forms were collected. Seventeen inmates completed surveys and forms, but stated that they were not interested in participating in the study.

88


Later in a local motel room outside the city of Muncy, Pennsylvania, the researcher placed the surveys in three piles, one for African Americans, one for Caucasians, and one for Hispanics. Interview respondents were then chosen using the selection criteria in Appendix B Inmate Criteria Grid for age, and sentence career. After surveys and consent forms were reviewed, the researcher observed that a couple of the surveys lacked needed information or contained confusing information. Fifteen inmate respondents were selected from collected surveys on January 27 and the names were given to the ADM on January 28, 2003. Only five Hispanic inmates had completed survey and consent forms so that an additional Hispanic interview respondent who fit the research criteria was needed. On January 28, the ADM was informed of this. One African-American inmate and one Hispanic inmate were called to the room where staff interviews were being conducted, to clarify the information on their surveys. A second Hispanic inmate was called to the interview room to fill out the consent and survey forms. These three inmates were then added to the 15 selected inmates for a total of 18 inmate respondents.

89


All six Hispanic inmates were Puerto Rican. One of the African American inmates preferred to identify herself as Mulatto, but did not object to being included as an African American interviewee for the purposes of the study. Within each group of six African American, Caucasian, and Hispanic women two were between the ages 19 and 29, two were between the ages 30 and 39, and two were between the ages 40 and 55 . Purposive selection is used often in qualitative studies which emphasize in-depth inquiry, context, and focus on participant perspective. This selection approach, which is different than approaches used in quantitative research, produced a range of respondents. Inmate respondents were chosen using non-probability selection criteria supported in the criminology research literature, which suggests variations in prison adaptation based on inmate age and career (or stage in prison). Respondent education level, though not examined as part of data evaluation, was noted in questions on Appendix A: Inmate Survey. Taylor has suggested that significant variations exist in information behavior based on respondent education. The inmate interview respondents represented three age groups, 19-29 years old, 30-39 years old, and 40-55 years 90


old.

These ages are based on age groupings presented in the

developmental psychology literature describing the stages of adult development.187

Women 56 years or older were not

included in the study due to their limited representation in the national female prison population.

Women 55 and older

represent less than 2% of the state female prisoner population in the U.S.188 The respondents had only slightly different educational backgrounds, and were at different stages - middle or beginning/end - in their prison sentences. Because the selection process involved choosing a balanced group of women at the middle, and beginning/end of their sentences, women housed in the institution on death row or those with no possibility of parole were not included in the selection.

Security challenges, as well as a lack of

relevance to study aims, precluded their representation. According to Gorman and Clayton, general indicators of whether the number of study participants is adequate are the extent to which selected participants represent the range of potential participants and the redundancy of the information

187 McArthur, A . (2002). Adult developmental s t a g e s . [On-line]. Available: http://muextension.missouri.edu/xplor/hesguide/humanrel/gh6605.htm 188 U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. (1994, March). Women in prison: Survey of state prison inmates, 1991. [On-line]. Available: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/.

91


gathered from participants.189

In terms of the first

criterion, the range of potential participants was limited to women under 56. However all adult ages 55 and under were represented. Additionally, all three of the predominant prison populations (African-American, Caucasian, and Hispanic) were represented and inmates in two sentence careers (beginning/end and middle) were represented. As for redundancy of information gathered, the answers to interview questions show that the primary problem categories (medical issues, treatment by guards and powerlessness) were discussed by interview subjects and represented common female problems across race, age, and sentence career. D.

Inmate Interviews

Interviews with inmates were conducted the week of February 23, 2 003. On Monday February 23, three and onehalf interviews were completed (with four African American inmates), on Tuesday, February 24, four interviews were completed (with two African American and two Puerto Rican inmates), on Wednesday, February 25, four interviews were completed (with three Puerto Rican inmates and one Caucasian inmate), on Thursday, February 26, four interviews were completed (with three Caucasian inmates and 189 Gorman, G. E., & Clayton, P. (1997). Qualitative research for the information professional a practical h a n d b o o k . London: Library Association.

92


one Puerto Rican inmate) and on Friday, February 27, two and one-half interviews were completed (full interviews with two Caucasian inmates, and the continuing interview with an African American inmate whose interview began on February 23, 2 003). Figure VI: Inmate Interview List Monday

Tuesday

Wednesday

Thursday

Friday

African American African American African American xh African American

African American African American Puerto Rican Puerto Rican

Puerto Rican Puerto Rican Puerto Rican Caucasian

Caucasian

Caucasian

Caucasian

Caucasian

Caucasian

xh

African American

Puerto Rican

Because of space limitations, inmate interviews were held in eight different locations at the institution. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

A classroom in the school; A personnel office in the school; A program office in the school; The prison library; The ADM's office; The ADM's secretary's office; and, An office in the parenting program trailer.

The researcher asked the respondents each of the questions on the interview schedule in order of sequence. However, given the insight gained from pilot interviews, more common language was added to the interview dialogue in order to get 'to the heart' of the questions. Before some inmates were asked about their problems, they were asked what daily 93


life in the prison was like, or they were asked to provide words that might describe their daily experiences in prison. On two occasions, the researcher asked inmates to hold off on their complaints about their ill treatment, institutional bureaucracy, and prison politics until the interview questions had been answered. The pilot interview experience enabled this sort of assertive behavior. E.

Documentation

Fifteen documents were collected from SCI-Muncy on January 28, 2003. Five additional documents known as 'call out sheets' were provided during the February 24 through 28, 2003 visit to the institution. An additional document was sent through the mail from the ADM to the researcher in April of 2003. On March 31, 2 003, a call was made to the ADM to find out how inmates learn about institutional programs. The ADM stated that inmates learn about them by reading Inmate Handbook Supplement, Document 21. A copy of this document was received in the mail in early April. All of the documents were assigned a descriptive title and identification number and a description of each of the documents was also written and recorded (See Appendix H ). Content analysis of the documents was completed using the 94


four criteria Taylor has identified as influencing the IUE setting; domain, history, structure/style, and information access. Domain relates to the primary sphere or purpose of the setting; that is, what the organization does and how its focus effects information sharing.

History relates to the

ways past practices, procedures, and events effect organization processes, including the use of information. Structure relates to the physical make-up of the setting. Style describes the method of institutional management.

And

information access relates to the methods and manner of information flow and sharing. This examination of SCI-Muncy goes beyond understanding the information behavior of the women at the institution since it explores the role the environment plays in shaping that behavior. The document examination process utilized content analysis emphasizing identification of themes rather than frequency of word occurrences. Findings from analysis are described in Chapter four of the dissertation. F.

Observations

Participant observation was not proposed because it was assumed that this method of data collection would not successfully capture inmate problem experiences. Informal 95


observation did support a better understanding of the environment and the people living and working at the institution. Observations of the prison environment, inmate and staff activities, and interview behaviors were made January 27 and 28, 2 003 and February 24 through 27, 2003. The physical setting at the prison was scrutinized, individual staff and inmates were observed, and group activities were noted. These observations were made as the researcher traveled by car to the prison, while moving from the outside to the inside of the institution, and when walking to and from the school, cafeteria, administration building, and other structures within the prison proper. Observations were recorded following the visits. The observations were incorporated into chapter six of the dissertation. Interview data was stored in a database using a Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS) called NUD*IST, which permitted search and retrieval of specific texts. IV.

Case Study

Case study research is applicable across many disciplines, and is considered an appropriate methodology for use in library studies. The advantages of the case study method are that it can be applied to real-life, 96


contemporary, human situations and that it is publicly accessible through written reports. Yin defines it as an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context covering real-life situations, issues, and problems.190

Case studies emphasize

detailed contextual analysis of a limited number of events or conditions and their inter-relationships. Yin goes on to say that case study is useful in situations where the contextual conditions of the research are pertinent to the phenomenon of study and where the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. This study examined the information use environment within a women's correctional facility. In this case the phenomenon was the information environment of women inmates and the real-life context was the prison setting of the State Correctional Facility at Muncy, PA (SCI-Muncy). The evidence is presented via descriptive analysis of documents and interpretive analysis of interview data.

According to

Yin, the five components of research design are; 1. questions, 2. propositions, 3. units of analysis, 4. logic linking data to the propositions, and 5. criteria for making meaning of the findings. In this case the research 190 Yin, R. K. (1994) . Case study research design and methods. SAGE Publications.

Thousand Oaks, CA

97


questions speak for themselves, and there are no propositions; the women as a group are the unit(s) of analysis; linking data is not required since there are not propositions; and, the criteria is the interpretive method. The analytic generalizations in this study have theory and policy implications, but do not generate inferences to the larger population or female inmates in other institutions. Construct validity is realized through the multiple data-collection methods; internal validity is realized through building of explanations based on the criminology and library and information science research as well as through interpretive analysis. Reliability was realized by conducting pilot interviews and documenting all collection procedures. Since the study does not attempt to generalize, external validity can be accomplished primarily through replication. The pilot interviews answered the logistical and methodological unknowns of time with respect to the length of interview and practice as in the assertive behavior required by the researcher. The experiences, which emerge from the study, are described as theoretical issues and broader themes, making the study a revelatory case which offers an opportunity to observe and analyze a phenomenon previously unexplored. The 98


study also represents a hybrid case study, since examination of the women -- the units of analysis -- is interfaced with portrayal of the institution. While the study is not only of the institution and is not only of the women, the two are inextricably connected in a description of the information environment. The sources of evidence are displayed below: Figure VII. Data Sources and Justification S o u r c e of E v i d e n c e Documentation

Interviews

Direct Observation

Justification Stable - can be reviewed repeatedly Unobtrusive - not created as a result of the case study Exact - contains exact names, references, and details of an event Broad coverage - long span of time, many events, and many settings Targeted - focuses directly on case study topic Insightful - provides perceived causal inferences Reality - covers events in real time Contextual - covers context of event

Interviews were focused - that is respondents were interviewed for a short period of time using the questions derived from the case study protocol. The direct observations were a form of causal data resulting from collection of evidence during field visits. Yin recommends that good case study is based on thorough data collection principles; 1) using multiple sources, 2) creating a 99


database of evidence, and 3) maintaining a chain of evidence. In this study, three primary sources were employed document analysis, interview, and observation; interview data was entered into a software system similar to a database, and the chain of evidence is presented in the chapters describing analysis of the data and in the study appendices. Exemplary case studies use field notes and databases to categorize and reference data so that it is readily available for subsequent reinterpretations. According to Soy, good investigators not only review documents looking for facts, but also read between the lines and pursue collaborative evidence elsewhere when that seems appropriate.191 Field notes record feelings and intuitive hunches, pose questions, and document the work in progress. They may warn of impending bias or signal that a pattern is emerging. In this study phenomenon was explained by stipulating a set of causal links about it, understanding that the links may be complex and difficult to measure in any precise manner. As such, the combined evidence, from previous literature to detailed interpretation, is employed in order to reach conclusions. 191 Soy, S. The case study as a research method uses and users of information . Graduate school of library and information science, University of Texas. [Online]. Available: www.gslis.utex.edu/~ssoy/usesusers/1391dlb.htm

100


The causal links reflect theoretically significant propositions from the criminology and information science literature which generated hypothesis and ideas for further study. As a result of the findings, the literature from communications and women's studies was added to the background information. Although no other plausible explanations were offered, the global context offers an alternative take on the circumstances influencing the prison environment. The analysis process employed relied on all evidence, though it was primarily reliant on the interview evidence. Rival interpretations are presented by including importation theory and incorporating the women's shortcomings as possible causal issues for information problems. The analysis addresses the most significant aspect of the case study in the conclusions chapter and brings in the researcher's prior expert knowledge of library and information science theory and awareness of the state of prisons in this country. V.

Summary

This case study utilized the information use environment (IUE) research framework. Data was collected using document analysis and semi-structured interviews. 101


Pilot interviews were conducted in preparation for interviews with staff and inmates. The research questions guiding the study ask what kind of problems the imprisoned women experienced, how the setting impacted their ability to solve problems, the criteria the women used to value information, and whether the women were, in fact, able to solve their problems. Pilot interviews, staff interviews, and survey collection procedures are described along with inmate interviews, document collection. A rationale and explications of the case study method, for data collection methods and for use of interview respondents, was also provided.

102


Chapter Four: X.

Document Analysis

Introduction to the Chapter

Chapter four presents analysis of the documents inspected as part of this study. Twenty-one documents, collected in January, February, and April 2,003 were examined based on a set of four elements: history, domain, structure/style, and information access. Scholar Robert Taylor has identified these elements as factors that influence information behavior within a particular setting - in this case the State Correctional Institution at Muncy (SCI-Muncy). Using Taylor's elements as a guide, data from the documents is interpreted to portray the setting. The documents are then critiqued. II.

Rationale

According to Taylor, understanding the organizational setting is useful to understanding the information use environment. In his view differences in organizational settings are as important as are differences in the types of individuals who live or work in those settings. Taylor has stated, "we are concerned with physical context and with ways of describing the context in which a specific class of people usually works and lives which affects the

103


way they seek and make use of information."192 These different organizational contexts in turn inform the types of resources information professionals provide. This research is a case study of one correctional institution whose setting is revealed (in part) through interpretation of documents. Institutional documentation is used to sort out the four elements because although interviews inform portrayal of the setting, the documents contain data covering a long historical period, specific details, and formal descriptions. As such they more thoroughly describe how the institution has evolved over time, the organizational/management structure, and the physical layout of the institution. The documents were analyzed at the researcher's home using content analysis which identified themes (rather than word frequency) related to the four elements described below. III. Elements

According to Taylor, there are four general influences or elements that shape information behavior. Domain is the primary sphere or purpose of the setting. It describes what the organization does and how its focus affects information

192 Taylor, R. S. (1987). On the study of information use environments. Proceedings of the 49th ASIS annual meeting. Volume 23. Medford, N.J. : Learned Information Inc. 331-334.

104


sharing.

Taylor states that institutions have attributes

peculiar to their particular domain, which affect such things as availability of information and patterns of information dissemination. The history of an institution describes the ways past practices, procedures, and events affect organization processes, including the use of information. Kimberly193 has stated that passage of time and increased specialization tends to bureaucratize tasks, making them more routine. These changes in turn reduce the effect of new information on the environment. Structure describes the physical make-up of the setting, while Style speaks to the method of institutional management. Both affect the behavior of different classes of information users within the setting. For instance, the information behavior of a member of a cooperative association (a loosely connected structure with limited controls) would be quite different from the behavior of someone employed by a large corporation with a complicated structure and strict rules for information sharing. Likewise, the information behavior of the head of an

193 Kimberly, J. R., et a l . (1980). The organizational life c y c l e . San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

105


organization is likely to be different from the behavior of maintenance staff at that organization. Information access

conveys the methods, manner, and

level of information flow and sharing. According to Taylor, this is the 'single most important variable' governing information use. IV.

Document Access A. Process

The administrative contact at SCI-Muncy (ADM) provided thirteen documents in January 2003, five documents in February 2003, and one document in April 2003.

(The prison

school principal and prison librarian provided one document each in January-. ) Twenty-one documents were received in total. The documents provided in January were received at the end of interviewing. The documents provided in February were given, one per day, to the researcher. During a telephone conversation with the ADM in March, the researcher requested a copy of one additional document. In order to impose structure on the documents, associations were created between the data and the elements used for analysis. The four elements from Taylor's framework which were used in the analysis process and the definitions of those elements were listed on a sheet of 106


paper and reviewed while reading through the titles and skimming the contents of the documents. Elements such as domain or history were identified within the document text and examples were listed beside each individual element. For example, the Commonwealth Corrections Mission Statement, Document 11, is related to domain since the document describes "what the organization is designed to do." The Organizational Chart, Document 3, is related to structure/style since it describes the organizational management structure. In the second phase of examination, the documents were read through. The content of the documents was then analyzed by again juxtaposing one or more of the four elements with the title and content. Factors related to the elements were then identified within the subject matter. Explanations for the selection of identifying elements were made and the documents were then given descriptive titles.

Analysis of each document was written out with

identifying element labels and themes. In addition to assigning numbers and descriptive titles, each document was dated, the title, author, publisher, year and date, and number of pages was listed, and analysis comments were made based on the physical condition. The content, including the 107


including the theme and purpose (if any), as well as the unknowns discovered in the examination process such as the author, date of publication, or process by which the document is shared with inmates and staff were also listed B. Document Descriptions

TO

S.TJSP- now has anew ^(landingprogram. We wckume new ideasand suggSStitsnsI

ELDER

i.ARTS & CRAFTS

PRISONERS

a.CREATIVE WRITING AND/OR JOURNALING

TOUABE INVITED TO JOIN THE S.TJE.P. GROUP

«.MEND GAMES -PLAY GAMES THAT STRETCH 'ND EXERCISE THE MIND SUCH AS CHESS' .AND SCRABBLE

Scmccs and suppi>rftlir nvmni-iiage fiftymd uvei-

s, EDUCATIONAL PRESENTATIONS A ND

SERVICES

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The Services To Elder Prisoners (STEP) Brochure, Document 1, is a one-page flyer describing the STEP program. It provides insight into the history of the institution because it implies that an increasing.number o inmates over 50 are being housed at the institution. The document sheds light on the institutional domain as well, since the program's existence demonstrates that the institution is interested in inmate rehabilitation and

108


social activity. The document is designed to recruit inmates into the program. BJ*VJT'VjMJfeV.iBvMi/ igtih ctchntal skJisshfMlglj ftlatol instruction. WOOD REFWI3HING,

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The Education Brochure, Document 2, is a one-page flyer describing educational programming at SCI-Muncy. It provides insight into the institutional domain since it describes rehabilitative, educational, and skill development opportunities offered to inmates. The intent of the document is to advertise the various school programs 109


currently available to inmates and to recruit them into those programs. SyPErlltf _M GECPS TAH 54L 3 U r r = -ylS 0 R 2

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THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A

THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A

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THE INFORMATION USE ENVIRONMENT WITHIN A