role as âcultural ambassadorsâ of the empire, so biological variation would ... The Central Coast includes the Huaura, Chancay, Chillón, Rimac, Lurin, and Mala.
To the University of Wyoming:
The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros presented on 11/29/2010.
Melissa S. Murphy, Chairperson
Robert F. Dewey, External Department Member
James C. M. Ahern
APPROVED:
Robert L. Kelly, Department, Division, or Program Chair, Department of Anthropology.
B. Oliver Dean, College Dean/Provost
Boza Cuadros, Maria Fernanda, The Bioarchaeological Effects of Inca Imperialism on a Maranga Community, MA, Department of Anthropology, December, 2010.
The Peruvian Central Coast was peacefully annexed by the Inca ca. AD 1450. The overall health of the population of the Rimac valley is assessed through the analysis of nonspecific stress indicators such as porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia, developmental enamel defects, and terminal (adult) stature; degenerative disease; dental health; and trauma. The overall health status is also compared to other samples of the Central Andes. The bioarchaeological data indicates that the Inca had a non-invasive presence in the region, and that the health of the individuals was not hindered by the new regime, and that the overall health outcomes of the individuals in the samples are among the healthiest in the bioarchaeological record of the Central Andes.
1
THE BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF INCA IMPERIALISM ON A MARANGA COMMUNITY
By Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros
A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology
and the University of Wyoming
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS in ANTHROPOLOGY
Laramie, Wyoming
December, 2010
© 2010, Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis would not have been possible without the help, patience, guidance and support of my committee members, Dr. Jim Ahern, Dr. Robert Dewey, and especially my adviser, Dr. Melissa Murphy. Her constant encouragement and attention to detail have helped me write a better thesis, and become a better scholar. To her I am deeply thankful. Thanks to Dr. Todd Surovell for his help with the statistical analysis. All my professors at UW, each one in their own way, have helped me become a better student, and therefore I am grateful and indebted to them as well. The PATPAL team led by Lic. Lucénida Carrión granted me access to their collections, and were of invaluable help throughout my research. They provided assistance, lab space, and feedback during my data collection that has deeply enriched this thesis.
Reggie Kukola
graciously volunteered to help me collect my data, and made days at the lab far more enjoyable. Thank you also to Dr. Ines del Aguila, who contacted me with Lic. Carrión. Thank you to Nance and Steve Murphy for welcoming me into their family and for always lending me a hand. Friends far and wide put up with my grumpiness, and never spared words of encouragement. Katie Strand, Valeria Neves, Jason Toohey, Juliana van der Meer, Marsha Price, Ilana Johnson, Giuliana Valle, Stacy Sewell, Chris Tinti, Ragan Driver, Justin and Junko Garrison, Christy Bell, Jennifer Bell, Ann and David Bell, Patricia Chirinos, Erin King, Sara Smith, Krishan Barr, María Belén Málaga, and all my other UW and Lima friends: thank you all for your friendship. Thanks to Heather Rockwell for her help with technological issues.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE: Introduction……………………………………………………………….. 5 CHAPTER TWO: Background ……………………………………………………………… 10 CHAPTER THREE: Materials and Methodology …………………………………………… 48 CHAPTER FOUR: Results ………………………………………………………………….. 78 CHAPTER FIVE: Conclusions ……………………………………………………………... 106 REFERENCES CITED …………………………………………………………………….. 111 APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………………. 120
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Although archaeological work has been extensive in Peru for the better part of the past 120 years, the area of modern-day Lima on the Central Coast of Peru is poorly known due to the uncontrolled growth of the city during the 20th century. Consequently, the loss of sites is considerable, especially in the north margin of the Rimac valley. Researchers have focused on areas less affected by urban growth, such as in the Lurin valley (Figure 1.1), and most of the recent work conducted in Lima city proper, in the Rimac valley, has been carried out as cultural resource management for new infrastructure.
The Maranga Complex, the site source for this study sample, is both a clear example of this situation and an exception to it. It is located in the middle of modern-day Lima, in the districts of San Miguel, Pueblo Libre and Cercado. Archaeological work has been carried out since the 1960s, and continues today. The earliest scientific archaeological work that is published, however, dates to the mid 1970s, when the Archaeology Seminar of the Riva Agüero Institute mapped, surveyed, and excavated a series of, known as huacas, in the then periphery of the site (Cárdenas 1975a, 1975b; Cárdenas and Huapaya 1975; Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Ramos de Cox and Cárdenas Martin 1975). Unfortunately, most of these structures have now disappeared due to the urban growth. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru also excavated a sector of the site known as Huaca 20, located within its main campus (MacKay and Santa Cruz 2002). Currently, the Archaeology Division of Patronage of Las Leyendas Park (Patronato 5
del Parq que de las Leyendas – PA ATPAL), un nder the direection of Lic. Lucénida C Carrión workks on the main m monum mental area of o the site, with w the objecctives of recoovering archhaeological ddata and facilitating tourrist activity.
Figure 1.1 Map of Central C And des, and Centtral Coast inn box, with loocation of siite of study (star). 6
Ethnohistorical sources indicate that the incorporation of the Peruvian Central Coast into the Inca Empire by Tupac Yupanqui (ca. 1470) was peaceful (Betanzos 1996[1551], Cieza de León 1986[1554], Cobo 1956[1653], Brundage 1963, Rostworowski 2002). This type of annexation would have had minimal effects on local populations: locally, elites probably stayed in place, controlling the workforce destined to support not just the local polity, but contribute in the form of work and goods to the empire. In terms of the archaeological record, Maranga would have gone through minimal remodeling but exhibit a significant number of imported goods, particularly ceramics and textiles in Inca and Incaassociated styles. In terms of population composition, we could expect to see an increase in biological diversity due to population relocation policies put in place by the Inca (D’Altroy 1992; Pärssinen 2003). The funerary patterns were likely not disrupted with Inca incorporation, since most local traditions and beliefs were not altered by the Inca. In terms of health, disease, and nutrition on the other hand, big changes should be visible. The increased demands placed on commoners (i.e., taxation in foodstuffs that resulted in a poorer diet and/or reduced number of calories), might be reflected on the increased incidence of non-specific stress indicators, such as cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, periostitis, developmental dental defects, and stunted growth. The taxation in the form of increased labor could be reflected also in the higher incidence of degenerative joint disease and vertebral pathological conditions. The increased population at the site could also have affected the incidence of infectious diseases among the population, and it is expected that both subadult and overall mortality increase when compared to pre-Inca times. Since the annexation was peaceful, the incidence of perimortem trauma is expected to be conspicusly low. 7
In the case of military conquest with decimation, we expect to see complete or partial destruction and abandonment of sites, and fairly haphazard interrements (i.e: expedient graves, no evidence of extensive mortuary ritual, few if any funerary goods). If annexation was not peaceful, then the period of violence should be represented in very high numbers of perimortem trauma. It is known that the Inca varied in their conquest strategies throughout the territory they dominated, and there was both military conquest with decimation (Menzel 1959, Marcus et al. 1985) and military conquest without decimation (Menzel 1959). Survivors were probably mostly women, transposed and married to other communities loyal to the empire. If no decimation occurred, the local elites would likely have been replaced by individuals placed in trusted positions by the Incas, the sites would probably be extensively remodeled and Inca-style architecture would be ubiquitous. Foreign styles in artifacts would likely be commonplace as well. The funerary pattern would see no significant changes from before the Inca conquest. This scenario is ideal for mitmaqunas (see Chapter 2) to fulfill their role as “cultural ambassadors” of the empire, so biological variation would be high. Bioarchaeologically, the sample would display some of the same characteristics of annexation: high incidence of non-specific stress indicators, increased numbers of degenerative joint disease and vertebral pathological conditions, and higher mortality. Hoewver, unlike annexation, the prevalence of trauma, especially perimortem, would be very high; and the funerary pattern would suggest social differentiation between the new elites and the local residents that are now in disfavor.
The goal of this thesis is to investigate the incorporation of Maranga within the Inca Empire through the available bioarchaeological evidence. Unfortunately, half of the sample 8
(8/16) analyzed does not have field information and the provenience of the individuals can only be traced to sector within the structure. Therefore, other published Central Andean samples are used for comparative purposes. These include Klaus and Tam (2009a, 2009b), Murphy (2004), Murphy and Williams (unpublished manuscript), Pechenkina et al. (2007), Tung (2003), and Verano (2003). The main hypothesis of the thesis assumes there is no significant difference between the Maranga sample and these comparative samples in therms of prevalence of cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, developmental enamel defects, terminal (adult) stature, vertebral pathological conditions, degenerative joint disease, dental caries, and trauma.
The thesis is separated in five chapters. Chapter 2 examines the archaeological and ethnohistorical background in the form of a literature review. Chapter 3 describes the study sample, describes the methods of analysis, and describes the secondary theses and the statistical tests to be used in this paper. Chapter 4 presents the results of the statistical analysis and their discussion. Conclusions are stated in Chapter 5.
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CHAPTER TWO
BACKGROUND
In this chapter I will discuss the Central Coast of Peru, its environment, climate and resources. I will also synthesize the available ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence from the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 1000-1450 AD) and Late Horizon (LH, 1450-1532 AD) available to date from this region. The identity and definition of the local people in this region, the Ychsma1, present a challenge that I will also address below. Finally, I will provide a brief overview of the major sites in the Rimac valley, noting that this sample is slightly biased towards those that have been published (to be discussed below).
2.1 Geographic location and chronology
The geographical area and period of this thesis is the Peruvian Central Coast during the LH. The Central Coast includes the Huaura, Chancay, Chillón, Rimac, Lurin, and Mala valleys (Dulanto 2008), from the eastern coastline of the Pacific Ocean to approximately 500 meters above sea level. Overall, the Peruvian coast is a narrow desert strip that is intersected by 52 perennial and seasonal rivers fed from the glaciers in the Andes Mountains and that end in the Pacific Ocean. The climate is subtropical, and is strongly determined by the Andes to the East, the cold Humboldt Current that flows northwards along most of the Peruvian coast,
1
Some of the ways to spell Ychsma include Ychma, Ichma, Irma, and Izma, among others. Here the spelling will follow Rostworowski’s assertion that Ychsma was the original pronunciation of the word (Rostworowski 2002:74-75)
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and the Pacific High that makes the coast arid. The ENSO (El Niño Southern Oscillation) affects the climate periodically by raising the ocean temperature and causing rain in the Northern deserts. These four factors have strongly influenced the subsistence strategies in the area, making agriculture only possible by irrigation.
The chronology considered here follows Rowe’s system of horizons and intermediate periods (Rowe 1962). The Late Intermediate Period (LIP) dates to ca. 1000-1450 AD. The LH dates to ca. 1470-1532 AD, when the Inca Empire exerted its influence. More specifically, the topic of this thesis is the populations that occupied the Rimac and Lurin valleys, known as Ychsma, during the LH.
The term Ychsma has been used without being properly defined. Archaeologists have used it quite indiscriminately to refer to the populations of the Central Coast based on ethnohistorical sources and archaeological data (Cornejo 2002, 2004; Eeckhout 2004; Marcone Flores 2004). For example, ethnohistorical studies, such a Rostworowski’s (1972, 1999, 2002), describe the Ychsma as a macroethnic group that occupied the lower Rimac and Lurin valleys that followed the same settlement pattern, and that considered Pachacamac as their main deity. Cornejo (2002, 2004) refers to the Ychsma as a Nation. Using this definition, one can presume he is talking about a set of groups that share a language and other cultural traits, but Cornejo (2002, 2004) does not detail what definition of Nation he is using. Marcone Flores has defined Ychsma as the compound of different groups or factions that lived in the Central Coast and shared a common cultural tradition that arose at the end of the Middle Horizon (ca. 700-1000 AD) with Pachacamac as its organizing axis (Marcone Flores 2004:717-718). This definition assumes cultural continuity between at least the LIP and the 11
LH, and a loose political and social organization of groups that seems to be supported by ethnohistorical sources (see below). Nonetheless, this definition does not state what differences may exist among the different factions other than the geographical location of each (Marcone Flores 2004:718). Other authors, such as Eeckhout (2004) and Díaz (2004) do not really define Ychsma, but in the reading of their articles, one can presume they are thinking of an ethnic group that shared material cultural expressions, such as ceramic style. These definitions do not differentiate between archaeological and ethnic cultures, making it difficult to separate the Ychsma that are described in ethnohistorical sources (Rostworowski. 1972, 1978, 2002) from the material culture that is identified as Ychsma.
The Inca arrived in the Central Coast around 1470 AD, under the command of Tupac Yupanqui (Rostworowski 2002:83). The nature of their power exerted by the Inca in the provinces depended on how the area was annexed into the Empire (Hayashida 1999; Menzel 1959; Schreiber 1987; Stanish 1997, 2001; D’Altroy 2005; Tate 2006; Wernke 2006). In some cases, like the Cañete valley, total structural changes were put into place after most of the population was decimated during war times against the Inca, and the valley was later repopulated with groups relocated by the Inca to the area (Rostworowski 2004). The Inca, however, did not always make deep changes in the structure of the polities they incorporated into the Empire (see Stanish 2001, D’Altroy 2003, Pärssinen 2003, McEwan 2006 for discussion). In areas such as the Altiplano and the North Coast, the Inca seem to have been more lenient, with less control of populations, construction of new settlements and transformation of the landscape (Stanish 1997, 2001; Hayashida 1999; Johnson and Earle 1987). In other areas, like the Chimu territory, the local polity was dismantled, the craft
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specialists were taken to Cuzco, and their population incorporated into the Inca state (D’Altroy 2005). As will be clear from the discussion below, the archaeological evidence from the Central Coast supports the continuity of architectural and ceramic traditions between the LIP and the LH in the region, which suggests the Inca control of the Rimac and Lurin valleys, was moderate. However, the LIP is still poorly known archaeologically and observations such as this may change with future research (Dulanto 2008:776).
The archaeological study of the Rimac valley has been thwarted by the continuous and rapid urban expansion of the city of Lima in the past 450 years. The growth began in the north margin of the valley, spreading from the historic center of the city to the north and later to the south and east. Hence, the least affected section of the lower Rimac valley is the south margin, since the southward growth of Lima started later. The rate of loss of sites during the 20th century has meant that some sites are only known from travelers’ notes and 1940s aerial photography, if at all. In addition, some of these sites were completely excavated as cultural resource management projects and the data are not easily available. Loss of sites seems to have affected monumental and non-monumental sites alike. Because of this site loss process, the sites that I will discuss here are located exclusively in the South margin of the Rimac valley.
2.2 Ethnohistory
The interpretation of the archaeological data has relied heavily on knowledge and models drawn from ethnohistorical sources. The work of historian Maria Rostworowski (1972, 1977, 1989, 1999, 2002) is the most prominent and most often cited. She has
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characterized the Chillón, Rimac and Lurin as divided in several señoríos (chiefdom-level polities, also known as curacazgos), some of which shared ethnic identity and religion, but were mostly politically and economically fragmentary. According to Rostworowski’s work, the señoríos’ ethnic identity was strongly determined by their geographical area, especially in terms of coastal vs. highland provenience (Rostworowski 1977, 1989, 2002). It is not uncommon to find the term yunga (coast, or of coastal origin) as an equivalent to Ychsma, or simply as an indicator of the regional origin of an individual or a group of people.
The populations of the Rimac and Lurin valleys were ethnically known as Ychsma, (Rostworwoski 1977, 1978, 1981, 1989, 1993, 2002) and shared a common religious tradition that was centered on the deity known as Pachacamac and the site of the same name (Rostworwoski 1977, 1989, 1999, 2002; Eeckhout 2004a). It is possible that the god was previously known as Ychsma, and received a Quechua name after the Inca conquest of the Central Coast (Eeckhout 2004a). The political organization, according to Rostworowski (1978, 2002), was fragmentary. The two valleys presented several smaller polities that governed the areas they irrigated from one main location (see Table 1 under Social Structure and Organization) (Rostworowski 1978, 2002). The local lords of these polities organized labor, collected tribute, redistributed wealth, and controlled other aspects of social life (Rostworowski 1977, 1978, 1983). Because of the ritual importance of the site of
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Pachacamac, the Ychsma2 lord had a higher status than the rest of Ychsma local lords (Rostworowski 1977, 1978, 1983).
Tupac Yupanqui annexed the Central Coast to the Inca Empire around 1470 AD (Betanzos 1996[1551], Cieza de León 1994 [1554], Cobo 1956[1653], Brundage 1963, Rostworowski 2002). Under Inca rule, the population was re-organized in three administrative entities, known as hunus, of 10 000 tributaries with centers in Carabayllo (Chillón valley), Maranga (Rimac valley, see below), and Armatambo (Rimac valley, see below) (Cobo 1964[1653]).
Even though the Central Coast is mentioned in several early chronicles (Pizarro, 1872[1533]; Cieza de León, 1994[1551]; Santillán; 1879[1551]; Pizarro, 1978[1571]; Santa Cruz Pachacuti, 1879[1613]; Calancha, 1974[1638]; Cobo, 1964[1653], 1990[1653] inter allia), the study of pre-Hispanic and, particularly pre-Inca times from them is problematic. This issue has been discussed several times in other publications (Salomon 1986, 1999; Netherly 1988, 1990; Stanish 2001, D’Altroy 2003, Pärssinen 2003, McEwan 2006, Tate 2006), which critique the indiscriminate use of ethnohistorical sources due to the background of the authors, the authors' partial understanding of Andean institutions, the Spaniards’ own religious and economic interests in the region, and the biases of their informants (see D’Altroy 2003 and McEwan 2006, for discussion). Furthermore, they are incomplete in their depiction of Inca times, since they scarcely mention non-Inca groups and events from a nonInca perspective in their narrations (Abercrombie 2008). As a result, chroniclers usually 2
Ychsma, in this case, refers to the polity based on Pachacamac.
15
portray the Inca Empire as an omnipresent, monolithic, static entity. By focusing on a regional approach, archaeological research has revealed different, yet complementary information. The indiscriminate use of written sources and heavy reliance on them has biased the archaeological research of the LIP and LH, by creating an emphasis on Pachacamac and the Lurin valley because they are more common in the chronicles (e.g. Eeckhout 2002, 2004a, 2004b; Makowski 2002; Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004; Marcone Flores 2004), thus leaving major gaps in the understanding of the LIP and the LH in the Central Coast.
2.3 Population movement during Inca times
According to ethnohistorical sources, the Inca had various means of conquest and control of territories and population, whether through military actions such as intimidation and warfare, or through diplomacy and ritual conquest of local gods (D’Altroy 2003, McEwan 2006, Pärssinen, 2003). The Inca also implemented policies of assimilation and preferential resource exploitation that involved the resettlement of subsets of local populations (D’Altroy 1992; Pärssinen 2003). These resettlements would correspond to one of the following scenarios: a. to populate an area and exploit a resource in particular, through mitmaqunas 3 (Pärssinen 2003)
3
The term mitmaquna refers to resettled families that performed political, social, cultural, or economic functions for the Inca Empira (Pärssinen 2003)
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b. to disarticulate potential uprisings in areas newly conquered or annexed to the Empire (D’Altroy 2003; Pärssinen 2003) c. to control the production of a certain good by a specialized group (Pärssinen 2003) d. as a mechanism to incorporate new groups into the Empire, by transposing mitmaqunas into the newly annexed territories (Pärssinen 2003) From the written sources, it is not clear exactly how the transposition policies were implemented. In most cases, it has been argued that the mitmaqunas retained all symbols of their ethnic affiliation, spoke their native language (even though they spoke Quechua, too), and returned to their homeland for burial (Pärssinen 2003). However, just like the incorporation of new areas into the Empire and the circumstances under which the resettlement was applied varied, it is possible that the application of the policies varied as well.
Recent archaeological research on the Inca Empire (Late Horizon, AD 1450-1532) suggests that population control policy varied greatly between provincial and heartland regions (Hayashida 1999; Menzel 1959; Schreiber 187; Stanish 1997, 2001; Tate 2006; Wernke 2006). This variability has been partially explained, at least partially, as a result of the nature of annexation of the region into the empire. Menzel (1959) insists that the archaeological data for the valleys of the Peruvian South Coast that did not oppose the integration into the Inca territory had much more lax control, while populations that opposed the Inca rule were either relocated or decimated.
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The ethnohistorical sources say the Central Coast was peacefully annexed (Betanzos 1996[1551], Cieza de León 1994[1554], Cobo 1956[1653], Brundage 1963, Rostworowski 2002), so it is reasonable to believe that the region was not dramatically repopulated by mitmaquna, even if it was affected by the presence of foreigners. In the Lurin valley, the site of Pueblo Viejo-Pucará (PV-P) is a clear example of a non-coastal group relocated during Inca times that maintained its cultural identity while also incorporating itself in the local production networks (Makowski 2002, Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004). For the Rimac valley, Cornejo (1999, 2002, 2004) and Frame and colleagues (2004) have hypothesized that groups of mitmaqunas4 were resettled in Ychsma sites like Huaca Santa Cruz and La Rinconada, respectively. Their interpretations consider ceramic styles (Cornejo 2004, see Huaca Santa Cruz below; Frame et al. 2004), and textiles and metal artifacts (Frame et al. 2004) as indicators of ethnicity. Unlike Makowski’s (2002) and Makowski and Vega Centeno’s (2004) overwhelming evidence for a distinctly different ethnic community in the Lurin valley, the stylistic diversity that Cornejo (1999, 2002, 2004) and Frame et al. (2004) observed may be the result of other phenomena typical to the LH such as more extended social and economic ties, and not a scenario of multiple ethnicities living in the Rímac valley.
2.4 Previous archaeological Ychsma studies
Like mentioned above, there has been a bias towards the study of Pachacamac to the detriment of other sites in the Rimac and Lurin valleys. Pachacamac was continuously occupied since the Early Intermediate Period (EIP, 0-750 AD) through the LH. It functioned
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at least during the MH, LIP and LH as a ceremonial center organized around the cult and oracle of Pachacamac that was known Ychsma until the LIP (Eeckhout 2004a). The EIP occupation has been recorded only in the Adobitos Complex and the foundations of the Temple of the Sun. There are evidences of Wari materials and iconography during the MH in the Painted Temple. The LIP occupation is characterized by the PWR around the site. The Inca presence at the site has been noted in the changes in the general layout, such as the construction of new buildings such as the Punchao Cancha or Temple of the Sun, the Acllahuasi, and the Pilgrims Plaza and the redefinition of road system within the site (Eeckhout 2004a, 2004b). The Inca also turned Pachacamac into a panregional cult of great prestige (Eeckhout 2004a, Díaz 2004). As a result, people travelled from different regions to the Central Coast as pilgrims to Pachacamac, participating in the social lives of other Ychsma sites and establishing ties with Central Coast communities (Rostworowski 1978, 2002; Eeckhout 2004a, 2004b; Díaz 2004). Pachacamac also served as the main center of the Ychsma polity of the Lurin valley (see below) during the LIP and the LH. Because of its religious importance and the emphasis that the Spanish had on eradicating idolatries, Pachacamac is the Central Coast site most often found in the written sources, and most often excavated and published by archaeologists in the Central Coast. Hence, all summaries of LIP and LH Central Coast archaeology and ethnohistory give Pachacamac special treatment.
Eeckhout (2004b:405) offers an overview of studies regarding the Ychsma in which he emphasizes four main topics: a. monumental architecture, b. social structure and organization, c. ceramics, and d. the effect of the Inca conquest. The following sections will examine the first three points while discussing the effect of the Inca on each one, and will
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present the perspectives of different authors on what defines Ychsma and what Ychsma represents.
2.4.1 Monumental Architecture
The architecture of the Central Coast in the Late Intermediate Period (LIP) is characterized by the presence of Pyramids with Ramps (PWR) and the use of tapia, or boxed mud, as the most widely used construction technique (Eeckhout 2002, 2004a). During the Late Horizon (LH) the influence of Inca architecture is noted in the use of rectangular adobes and the incorporation of architectural features such as triangular niches, double jamb and trapezoidal doorways (Villacorta 2001, 2004; Eeckhout 2004b).
According to Central Coast researchers, PWR are the prototypical Ychsma monumental architectural form during the LIP (Franco 1998, Villacorta 2002; 2004; Eeckhout 2004b, 2004b; Farfan 2004). The basic elements of all the PWR are an enclosed front patio accessible from the outside, at least one platform, and one ramp that connect the platform and the patio (Villacorta 2001, Eeckhout 2004b, Farfán 2004). According to Shimada, a PWR is a “large, multilevel, terraced mound with centrally placed, short, direct ramps linking one level to the next … built at the far end of a rectangular walled enclosure, with limited, indirect access“ (Shimada 1991: XL).
The function of the PWR is debated, although researchers seem to agree that some of the purposes they served were economic (Canziani Amico 1987, Villacorta 2001, Eeckhout 2004b, Farfán 2004). Some authors have argued that some PWR also served as residences of local lords known as curacas (Franco 2004, Villacorta 2004), while others stress the religious 20
significance of the PWR, whether as temples (Díaz 2004) or as part of a religious network linked to Pachacamac (Villacorta 2004). Franco (2004), following the chronicler Calancha (1974[1651]) suggests that during Inca times the PWR were used as provincial altars. Eeckhout suggests that the seemingly opposite functions of palaces and temples described may be due to the different functions that the PWR served during the LIP and the LH that are differentially represented in the archaeological record. He suggests that some of the PWR in Pachacamac may have been built as or transformed into sacred places for pilgrims arriving at the site during the LH (Eeckhout 2004b:407).
Other architectural forms associated with Ychsma populations during the LH are palaces, such as those found at Puruchuco (Villacorta 2001). These palaces are enclosed complexes preferentially located in flat areas isolated from the outside by a perimetric wall. The internal layout is composed of an open area immediately acccesible immediately from the entrance with an elevated platform, known as audiencias, open areas associated to storage units not easily accesible, and private living quarters (Villacorta 2001:88). The architectural features that relate them to the Inca occupation of the Central Coast include double jamb and trapezoidal doorways, triangular and trapezoidal niches and use of adobes instead of tapia. According to Villacorta,
the palaces “gave coherence to the architectural and settlement
patterns in
the lower Middle Rimac valley…. These were the place where the curacas of the yungas5
5
Yungas is another term found in ethnohistorical sources for Coastal populations, and most often refer to Ychsma.
21
ruled over the populations under their regimes, and established the links that configured the political and economic layout of the region”6 (Villacorta 2004:562, my translation). There is evidence that during the LH other architectural styles appear in the Central Coast and that may reflect highland or non-local influences. Makowski (2002) and Makowski and Vega-Centeno (2004) use site layout (i.e.: the distribution of architectural nuclei in the intermediate hilltops and the location of the site in an area suitable for pasture), and architectural features (i.e.: stone masonry and the modular layout of the domestic areas around patios) as evidence to support their hypothesis that a highland population affiliated to the Caringa of Huarochirí occupied the site of Pueblo Viejo-Pucará (PV-P) in the lower Lurin valley, and were re-located there under the Incas. Furthermore, they believe that PV-P also served functions assigned by the Inca –pens for herding and military checkpoint, and that its high standing in the regional site hierarchy is evidenced in the presence of metals such as gold, silver and lead, the presence of Spondylus princeps, and the presence of fine ceramics (Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004:690). This case reveals the importance that the Lurin valley held during Inca times due to the prestige of Pachacamac, and the high standing role
6
(…) Fue el palacio el edificio que dio coherencia a los patrones arquitectónicos y de
asentamiento del valle medio bajo del Rimac (…) Desde aquí los curacas yungas regían los destinos de las poblaciones adscritas a su régimen y se establecían los vínculos que configuraban el tramado político
y económico de la región.
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that certain ethnic groups had during the LH. Cases such as PV-P have not been reported in the Rimac valley.
According to Eeckhout, the seemingly different functions of the PWR may be due to different uses during the LIP and the LH (Eeckhout 2004b: 407). All the studies share the underlying assumption that all sites with PWR must have served the same purposes in the community during both periods, but differ on whether these functions were religious, political, or economical. Furthermore, most PWR sites studied have only had the PWR excavated, if excavated at all, and therefore providing an incomplete image of the activities performed and the role of the PWR within the site. All the cases described, except for PV-P, describe architecture functionally related to community events, even if researchers disagree on the nature of these communal activities (i.e., religious vs. political). Monumental, a term that refers to scale, then, may be the wrong term for the architecture studied above, and the term public, which refers to function, should replace it.
2.4.2 Social Structure and Organization
The reconstructions of the social structure have been mostly based upon ethnohistorical sources, especially through the work of Maria Rostworowski (see Ethnohistory section above). Her model of occupation in the Central Coast describes six Ychsma polities, or curacazgos, located throughout the valley (Rostworowski 1978, 2002) (see Table 1). Each of these polities had access to water via an irrigation canal. Rostworwoski (1977, 1978, 1983) thinks the canals served as the limits between the polities. However, Villacorta (2004:565) thinks that the edges of the irrigated land served as territorial
23
limit between the polities. Also, each polity had one main site where the curaca (local lord) lived and where reciprocity and redistribution ceremonies took place (Villacorta 2002).
Eeckhout (2004a) has characterized the political landscape of the Lurin valley during the LH in a very similar fashion. He separated the valley into four polities, three of them (Ychsma, Manchay and Quilcay) ethnically Ychsma, and the last (Caringa) as belonging to the Caringa of Huarochirí (see Table 1). Although he doesn’t really define it, Eeckhout (2002, 2004b) uses Ychsma to refer to any group of people native to the Central Coast during the LIP and LH. Archaeological evidence seems to support the scenario Eeckhout (2004a, 2004b) proposes (see Makowski 2002, Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004), but he fails to identify and characterize the dynamics between the two populations within the valley (i.e.: the physical limits between polities).
Valley
Polity
Ethnicity
Main Site
Other Sites
Ychsma
Puruchuco
Los Inkas
Surco
Ychsma
Armatambo
Perales, La Calera
Guatca
Ychsma
Limatambo
Cacaguasi, Santa Cruz
Lima
Ychsma
Magdalena
Lima
Maranga
Ychsma
Maranga
Mateo Salado
La Legua
Ychsma
Paredones
Ychsma7
Ychsma
Pachacamac
Manchay
Ychsma
Pampa de las Flores Quebrada Golondrina, Tambo Inga
Rimac Ate
Lurin
7
Puente Lurin, Las Palmas, Lomas de Atocongo
Table 1 shows both Ychsma and Caringa groups in the Rimac and Lurin valleys. In the case of Ychsma, it refers to the polity that had its center in Pachacamac, not the Ychsma as an ethnic group.
24
Quilcay
Ychsma
Playa San PedroMamacona
Caringa
Caringa
Pueblo ViejoPucará
Lomas Caringa, Pampa Quebrada Malanche, Lomas de Lúcumo
Table 2.1: List of LH polities in the Rimac and Lurin valleys (adapted from Eeckhout 2004: 409-411, Cornejo 2004: 785, and Rostworoski 1978, 2002)
Rostworowski’s model also assumes that the lord that ruled from Pachacamac held the highest rank among all ethnically Ychsma polities and thus the Ychsma polity was the most important polity in the two valleys (Rostworowski 1977, 1978, 2002). Rostworowski’s model (1977, 1978, 2002) does not expect a case such as Makowski’s (2002) and Makowski and Vega Centeno’s (2004) interpretation of PV-P as a settlement of the Caringa of Huarochirí, a highland group, established in the Lurin valley. The site of PV-P does not fit into the description of Ychsma sites in that it lacks an associated canal; there is a drastically different architectural pattern (see above) and a different ceramic assemblage (see below). This, however, does not disprove Rostworowski’s model (1977, 1978, 2002), but merely reflect a bias in the ethnohistorical sources as to the self-representation of the Native communities in the Spanish documents, and/or the poor understanding the chroniclers had of Inca population policies. If the Spaniards did not understand the nature of the Caringa occupation in the lower Lurin valley, or this group returned soon after the Spanish invasion to their homeland, then the documents would not show records of highland populations on the coast.
25
Nothing in the literature suggests the presence of a foreign group in the Rimac valley like the Caringa of Huarochirí in the Lurin valley. It has been noted, however, that foreign individuals were buried in some cemeteries of the Rimac valley (Cornejo 1999, 2002, 2004, Frame et al. 2004) (see Huaca Santa Cruz and La Rinconada below). This assertion relies exclusively on the ceramics and other offerings present in the burials excavated at La Rinconada (Frame et al. 2004, Guerrero 2004) and Huaca Santa Cruz (Cornejo 1999, 2002, 2004).
Although the sites in the Rimac valley have been affected by the urban growth of Lima far more than any in the Lurin valley, partially preserved sites such as MarangaChayavilca, Puruchuco-Huaquerones and Armatambo seem to follow the same pattern: they all possess PWR and/or a palace and they are associated with a main canal (Canziani Amico 1987; Villacorta 2001, 2004; Rostworowski 2002; Cock and Goycochea 2004, Diaz 2004). Franco (2004) thinks that because these sites coincide in architectural forms and functions, they are affiliated to Pachacamac. This also follows Rostworowski (1972, 1977, 1978, 1992, 2002), who recognizes Pachacamac as the most important Ychsma site in both valleys.
2.4.3 Ceramics
The Ychsma ceramic style has been defined many times. This section attempts to be a brief overview of some of the most important works that have been published on Ychsma ceramics.
Bueno (1982) dates the Ychsma style between 1200 and 1470 AD. He characterizes it as dominated by red face-neck vessels (Fig. 1). Bazán (1990, 1992) does not give absolute 26
dates for what he calls Ychsma, but he divides the style in Early, Middle, and Late (Fig. 2a-c). These three periods span between the Epoch 3 of the Middle Horizon (MH) to the LH (see Table 2). In contrast to Bueno (1982), he focuses most of his description on the Early and Middle Ychsma ceramics, and does not characterize Late Ychsma ceramics in much detail. He insists that the category he calls Ychsma Fitomorfo (Fig. 3), red pots with a serpent appliqué in near the neck of the vessel, is stylistically dated to the late LIP and LH, but he does not consider it a good chronological indicator.
Period
Ychsma Phase
LH
Late Ychsma
LIP
Middle Ychsma
MH4 MH3
Early Ychsma
Table 2.2: Ychsma phases per period (based on Bazán 1990, 1992: Table 1)
According to the radiocarbon dates from his excavation at the PWR 2 of Pachacamac, Franco (1998) dates the emergence of the Ychsma style to 1050 AD (Franco Jordán 1998:70). He breaks the LIP into three phases according to certain types (Table 3). Franco’s description of the LH ceramics is an assemblage characterized by a large number of styles, some of them foreign to the Central Coast (Table 3). The names Franco (1998) uses do not suggest stylistic continuity between the LIP and the LH. This is an important point considering that other
27
authors like Bazán (1990, 1992), Vallejo (2004), and Feltham and Eeckhout (2004) stress the stylistic continuity of Ychsma ceramics after the Inca presence on the Central Coast.
Period
Styles
LH
Associated Inca, Pale Yellow/Red Slip or White Over Red, Plain With No Paint, Polished Black, Imperial Inca8
LIP - Phase 3
Dark Brown/Pale Yellow9
LIP - Phase 2
Polished Red Slip, Unpolished Red Slip, Tricolor White Black and Red, Polished10
LIP - Phase 1
Incised Area With Paint, Incised Area Without Paint, Pale Yellow11
Table 2.3: Central Coast styles during LIP and LH (following Franco Jordán 1998: 70-71)
Vallejo (2004) presents a detailed study of Ychsma ceramics from archaeologically excavated ceramics and museum collections from different sites in the Rimac and Lurin valleys. He locates the Ychsma style in the Rimac and Lurin valleys and the Chilca area, and says that it is only found between the litoral and the lower elevations of the Andes known as chaupiyunga (Vallejo 2004:597). He dates the origin of the Ychsma ceramics to Epoch 4 of the Middle Horizon (800-100 AD) (Vallejo 2004: 606). According to him, the production is characterized by modeling the vessels (Vallejo 2004:598), although he notes that by the end of the LIP and during the LH the use of molds was common. Feltham and Eeckhout (2004)
8
Inca Asociado, Amarillo Pálido.Engobe Rojo o Blanco Sobre Rojo, Llano Sin Pintura, Negro Bruñido o Pulido, Inca Imperial
9
Marrón Oscuro/Amarillo Pálido
10
Engobe Rojizo Bruñido, Engobe Rojizo Sin Bruñir, Tricolor Blanco Negro Y Rojo
11
Inciso-Punzonado o Decoración En Zona Con Pintura, Inciso-Punzonado o Decoración En Zona Sin Pintura, Amarillo Pálido
28
agree with Vallejo that molds were used during the LH, but they limit the use of this technique to small figurines, Chimú-Inca ceramics and Ychsma-Inca ceramics (Feltham and Eeckhout 2004: Table 1).
Vallejo’s typological classification is grounded in chronological considerations. All the types he describes are organized in phases he calls Early, Middle and Late (Vallejo 2004). For the LH, he recognizes three main styles present in the Ychsma area that he defined: Ychsma or local style, Inca style, and Regional Inca style (Vallejo 2004:625). Also, it is not uncommon to find foreign styles such as Chimú and Chimú-Inca in this area (Vallejo 2004:625). According to him, the presence of non-local styles could be attributed to the presence of mitimaes, or people displaced from their heartland by the Incas to serve specific functions to the Empire, but it is more likely to be the reflection of increased exchange and tributes of the LH (Vallejo 2004:625).
Feltham and Eeckhout (2004) describe Ychsma ceramics following Vallejo’s Early, Middle and Late scheme, as well as by contrasting their stratigraphic date from the PWR III of Pachacamac with the radiocarbon dates from PWR III, and with published data. Unlike Vallejo (2004), they only studied ceramics from the Lurin valley. Also, they differ from Vallejo (2004) by considering the origin of the Late Ychsma style in the Central Coast before the arrival of the Incas (Feltham and Eeckhout 2004:656). Unfortunately, they do not present any radiocarbon dates to date the phases of the LIP. According to them, characteristics like red slip, and black and white designs over red are continued from LIP ceramic decorations. The greatest variation between Middle and Late Ychsma is in the introduction and popularity of face neck jars, miniature ceramics most commonly representing birds, the painted vertical 29
white stripes, and the serpent motif. The influence of Inca presence, according to them, can be observed in the appearance of orange and black ceramics, ceramics shaped as bottles, the introduction of stirrup spouts, and the appearance of foreign styles such as Chimú-Inca (Feltham and Eeckhout 2004).
Makowski and Vega Centeno (2004) use ceramics as an indicator of the presence of non-Ychsma populations at PV-P. They claim that “the distribution networks of ceramic vessels that served different utilitarian and ritual functions does not maintain spatial and temporal correlations with the political and ethnic identities of the users [of said vessels]”12 (Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004:684, my translation), but that other indicators such as site layout and architectural style as well as a very varied ceramic assemblage dominated by foreign styles and pastes, support their claim that highland populations were transposed to the Central Coast by the Inca. According to them, the stylistic and technological variety of the ceramics found in PV-P is due to the nature of ceramics as tribute that the Caringa population at the site paid to the Inca (Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004:710).
From the above information, then, we can characterize the ceramic assemblage for the Central Coast during the LH as highly varied in style and technique. From the above descriptions, local “Ychsma” ceramics are characterized by red paste and white paint for decoration, as well as the modeled serpent applied to pots. The most common forms are pots, bottles, and jars especially face-neck ones. The main difference between the LIP and the LH
12
Las redes de distribución de recipients cerámicos de variada función utilitarian y ritual no tienen por que guardar siempre una relación especial y temporal con las identidades políticas o étnicas de los usuarios
30
is the presence of foreign ceramics in the overall assemblage. The presence of foreign ceramics, such as Chimú-Inca and Chincha-Inca (see Huaca Santa Cruz, below) is another characteristic of the LH. These ceramics have been explained as the result of an increased prestige of the Pachacamac cult that in turn resulted in greater affluence of foreigners in the Central Coast during the LH (Díaz 2004), or as the presence of nonlocal populations mobilized by the Inca to the Central Coast (Makowski 2002, Makowski and Vega Centeno 2004). It is important to remember, however, that the changes in the ceramic assemblage in the Central Coast in the LH are just one element of the changes that occurred in the area with the presence of the Inca, and not the sole diagnostic feature to consider.
2.5 Ychsma sites in the Rimac valley
2.5.1 Armatambo
Armatambo is located on the south margin of the Rimac valley (Figure 2.1). It was the most important site of the curacazgo of Sulco during the LIP and LH (Bandelier 1970, Hyslop and Mujica 1992, Díaz 2004:575). Following Rostworowski’s model (2002), Díaz says that the irrigation canal known as Surco River irrigated the present day areas of Chorrillos, Barranco, Surco, Surquillo and part of Miraflores.
The earliest known occupation of the site dates to the LIP. The early architecture is characterized by the combined and alternate use of tapia and flattened adobes (adobes achatados) (Díaz 2004). The Inca-style architecture is found superimposed to the LIP structures, and is characterized by the use of rectangular adobes in the remodeling of preexisting rooms (Díaz 2004: 580-586). 31
A total of 22 21 tombs have been excaavated in Arrmatambo (D Díaz 2004:5886). They w were found in n two sectorrs of the site,, known as 22 2 de Octubrre and San P Pedro. Most of them werre excavatted in the forrmer sector (Díaz ( 2004).. Adult indivviduals weree buried in a sitting and flexed position, p ofteen sitting ov ver a gourd filled fi with assh. The bunddles were formed by at
Figure 2.1 Rímac valley v and loccation of Arm matambo.
least tw wo and up to fours layers of textiles and a filled wiith raw cottoon with seedss. Canes provideed structural support. Su ubadults werre buried in ccane stretcheers in an exteended positiion. Orientaation of the burials b is nott available in n the publicaations. All thhe bundles w were buried inn
32
circular cists that lacked any other architectural feature. It is uncommon to find more than one bundle per structure (Díaz 2004: 588). The location within the site of the funerary structures corresponds to specific time periods. LIP burials were found in lower areas far from monumental architecture, while LH burials were found breaking into earlier architectural spaces near monumental architecture (Díaz 2004:590).
The offerings that accompanied the individuals inside the bundle included metal sheets that were placed in the mouth, covering the individuals’ eyes, or in the individuals’ hands. The external offerings are mostly limited to ceramics in local style, in Middle Ychsma, Late Ychsma A (LIP), and Late Ychsma B (LH) (Díaz 2004:587, following Vallejo 2004). LH burials differ from LIP burials in that the former have woven netting around them. LH burials also show a higher incidence of foreign materials, such as Spondylus princeps or mullu, which Díaz (2004: 591) calls sumptuary. According to Díaz, the ubiquity of foreign sumptuary materials is the result of the increase of foreign populations in the Central Coast that arrived because of the increased popularity of the Pachacamac cult, and the subsequent complexity of echange and commerce networks on the Central Coast (Díaz 590). Also, Armatambo must have served as the entry point for pilgrims en route to Pachacamac, since the site occupies the nearest maritime port and is connected to Pachacamac by the Coastal Road (Camino de los llanos) (Díaz 2004:590-591).
2.5.2 Huaca Santa Cruz
The site of Huaca Santa Cruz is associated with the curacazgo of Guatca (Cornejo 2004:785) (Figure 2.2). The lands of this curacazgo included present day districts of
33
Miraflo ores, San Isid dro, La Victo oria, Santa Beatriz B and S San Luis. Thhe agriculturral lands werre irrigated by the Guaatca canal an nd its second dary branchees. In all likeelihood the ssite was not tthe c which w must have h been Liimatambo (C Cornejo 2004). Huaca main ceenter of the curacazgo, Santa Cruz C is a pyraamid of supeerimposed platforms thaat was reusedd during the LH as a cemeterry. It is almost certain th hat the site was w much larrger while inn use, but thee modern urrban expansiion has left only o the areaa studied by Cornejo.
Figure 2.2 Rímac valley v and loccation of Hu uaca Santa C Cruz.
34
The spatial organization of the cemetery (Cornejo 2004:785-787 and Figure 7), and the burial orientation of the individuals (i.e.: individuals from the North Coast are oriented to the North) (Cornejo 2004) are suggestive of ethnicity. The offerings reveal that the individuals were artisans (Cornejo 2004:787). In total, the number of individuals excavated is 81, with all sex and age groups represented. The 51 tombs are either simple (1 individual) (n=44), or complex (more than one individual) (n=7) (Cornejo 2004).
Table 4 shows the four groups that Cornejo (2004) has identified. He has interpreted the presence of non-Ychsma individuals as mitimaes mobilized by the Inca to perform specific functions (Cornejo 2004:805). He contradicts Pärssinen’s assertion that mititmaes returned to their homeland to be buried if and when they died during their service to the Inca (Pärssinen 2002), and concludes that when mitimaes died away from their homeland, they were buried in the place where they had performed their duties along with some of their belongings, and in a ritual that synthesized the cultural differences. Cornejo’s (2004) interpretation does not consider other possibilities for the presence of foreigners at a cosmopolitan area such as the Central Coast during the LH, or that non-locals married within Central Coast communities. He references other such cases where this pattern was observed, but he does not list some of these publications in his bibliography.
Group
Number of Burials
1
13
Orientation North
Ceramics Chimú-Inca
Ethnicity Chimú
Regional Inca Domestic Ychsma 2
5
East
Inca-Chincha
Chincha
3
18
East
Domestic Ychsma
Ychsma
35
4
1
N/A
Chanka
Chanka
Table 2.4: Ethnnic groups present in Huaca Santa Cruz (adapted from Cornejo 2004)
Cornejo’s interpretation of four different ethnic groups is based on the spatial organization of the cemetery, the orientation of the individuals, and ceramic styles found in the graves. However, he does not report any data from the human skeletal remains, such as cranial deformation, aDNA, cranial and dental metric and non-metric data or stable isotopes data to support his hypothesis of a multi-ethnic occupation of Huaca Santa Cruz. In this scheme, Cornejo (2004) is equating ceramic style to ethnic affiliation, which does not necessarily follow from the archaeological record for the Central Coast in this period. For example, certain Central Coast individuals may have gained access to foreign ceramics and other materials during the LH and this is reflected in the funerary offerings from Huaca Santa Cruz. Furthermore, the lack of biological data makes Cornejo’s (2004) conclusion extremely hard to substantiate.
2.5.3 La Rinconada
The site of La Rinconada is located in present day district of La Molina on the south margin of the Rimac valley (Figure 2.3). Like Huaquerones (see below), the destruction of the site by the modern occupation of the area made it necessary to excavate the site (Frame et al. 2004). The site was composed of a domestic area and a cemetery (Frame et al. 2004:818). The domestic area is mostly unknown due to the former use of the area as a sand quarry, and the modern cemetery in it (Frame et al. 2004:818).
36
The cemeterry excavatio ons yielded over o 500 funnerary bundlees that datedd to the LIP aand the LH (Frame et all. 2004). Th hese were plaaced within ccircular struuctures that laacked any c with h sand. The individuals w were positiooned in a sitting architecctural featuree and were covered and flex xed position and wrappeed in several layers of texxtiles and raaw cotton witth seeds, andd sometim mes nets are woven arou und the outerr layer of thee bundles (Frrame et al. 22004, Guerreero 2004). The offering gs surroundiing the body y are mostly ceramics in Ychsma styyle and weavving implem ments. Guerrrero says that the presencce of foreignn materials dduring the LH H is restricteed, with thee exception of o Spondyluss princeps (G Guerrero 20004:163).
Figure 2.3 Rímac valley v and loccation of La Rinconada 37
2.5.4 Pu uruchuco
i located in the south margin m of the Rimac valleey, in presennt day districct of Puruchuco is Ate, at the base of Cerro Cabezza de León (Figure ( 2.4).. Puruchucoo is composeed of two major architecctural compo ounds, the Paalace and thee Annex, andd a cemeteryy (57AS03)113.
Figure 2.4 Rímac valley v and loccation of Pu uruchuco
13
Ávilaa (1997) and Cock C and Goycochea 2004 (seee below) conssider Puruchuco and Huaquerrones the samee site. However, both h areas are sepaarated by geographic elementts such as hillss and quebradaas (gullies), so they b considered two t different siites. will be
38
Tabío (1965) and Jiménez Borja (1973) were the first to publish archaeological works from Puruchuco. The latter interpreted Puruchuco as the house of a pre-inca curaca, a sort of pater familis14 (Jiménez Borja 1973:12, my translation, Latin words in original). According to him, the Puruchuco palace was built at the end of the LIP, and housed an Inca functionary during the LH. He interpreted the Audiencia of Puruchuco, or patio with elevated terrace, as a public area in which community ceremonies were performed. Horkheimer (1956, cited in Tabío 1965) dated Puruchuco to the LH, and described its functions as an elite residence and administrative center oriented to the storage of local tributes to the Inca Empire. Tabío (1965) excavated a burial in the structures immmediately adjacent to the East. It was composed of at least three bundles, with the biggest one in the between the smaller two (Tabío 1965). This bigger bundle had a metal mask and a “wig” (Tabío 1965).
Villacorta (2001) agrees with Jiménez Borja (1973) and Horkheimer (1956 cited in Tabío 1965) in the interpretation of Puruchuco for public use and as an elite residence. However, Villacorta dates most of the building, or most of it, to the LH based on its architectural elements.
The second architectural component of the site is known as The Annex (El Anexo). Like Puruchuco, it is located on the flank of the adjacent hill, thus the architecture is ditributed in terraces. The most common construction technique at the Annex is tapia, but adobes have been observed superimposed on the tapia in some walls (Villacorta, 2001: Appendix I). 14
debió ser casa de un curaca pre-inca, una suerte de pater familis
39
A cemetery known as 57AS03 is located in between the Palace and the Annex, from where well over 400 individuals have been excavated. Most of these individuals were buried in a sitting and flexed position, oriented to the east or northeast. They were held together by a soguilla or a narrow textile, and then wrapped in one or more layers of textiles.
The
associated objects include ceramics, gourds, little pieces of metal, and textile bags. Some of the burials in the cemetery, however, differ from this pattern and have been called "atypical" burials. They are not in a sitting or flexed position nor oriented to the East or Northeast, and are most commonly found in pits close to the surface, with just one textile and lacking any offerings. Many of the individuals from atypical burials show evidence of perimortem trauma have been observed (Murphy et al. 2010). The normative funerary pattern, however, is very similar to the one in La Rinconada and in Huaquerones (see below).
2.5.5 Huaquerones
Huaquerones is located on the south margin of the Rimac valley in present day district of Ate, not far from Puruchuco (see above) (Figure 2.5). The site is composed of five PWR and a cemetery. The area with monumental architecture has been separated into two separate components, known as Huaquerones A and Huaquerones B (Milla 1974, Ravines 1985, Convenio UNI-FORD 1988).
Ávila (1997) and Cock and Goycochea (2004) consider
Huaquerones part of a greater site that includes the Puruchuco Palace, the Puruchuco Annex, and 57AS03, Huaquerones A, Huaquerones B and the Huaquerones cemetery. Ávila (1997) calls it Puruchuco Complex (Conjunto Puruchuco), while Cock and Goycochea (2004) use the name Puruchuco-Huaquerones.
40
Figure 2.5 Rímac valley v and loccation of Hu uaquerones
The site haas been almo ost destroyeed due to thhe modern ooccupation oof three hum man a in the mid m 1980s (C Cock and Gooycochea 20004). The aarea settlements establisshed in the area most afffected by th hese human settlements is the cemettery, and arcchaeologicall excavationns to rescue the burials were perforrmed betweeen 1999 andd 2001. The excavationns yielded oover 1200 fu unerary bund dles dating to the LH that t were pl aced in circcular pits thaat disturbed the architeccture from th he Formativ ve Period an nd the Midddle Horizon. The bundlees were interrred either in ndividually or in pairs (Cock ( 1999)). Cock andd Goycocheaa (2004) havve classifiedd the bundless into five ty ypes: Falsass (False Heaad Bundles) , Falsitas (L Little False Head Bundlles), 41
Fardos (Bundles), Farditos (Little Bundles), and Camillas (Strechers.
The Falsas and
Falsitas differ in that the false head of the latter is longer and narrower, as well as having a smaller overall size (Cock 1999, Biers 2003, Cock and Goycochea 2004). Fardos are smaller than both types of false head bundles. Farditos belong to subadults. Camillas are the least common type (Cock 1999, Cock and Goycochea 2004).
The bigger bundles (Falsas and Falsitas) contain at least one adult individual, and most of the time there is one or more subadult individuals near the feet of the main individual, or next to the head (Cock 1999). The individuals were in a sitting and flexed position, and then wrapped in several layers of textiles most commonly interspersed with raw cotton with seeds, although some present seedless cotton andd dry foliage (Cock 1999, Cock and Goycochea 2004). Nets, and sometimes a reed mat, covered the bundles (Cock 1999, Cock and Goycochea 2004).
Funerary offerings were present both inside and outside the bundle. The exterior offerings are ceramics, gourds filled with beans, and baskets containing weaving implements (Cock 1999, Cock and Goycochea 2004). The offerings inside the bundle include Spondylus shells, weaving implements, metals, and textiles (Cock and Goycochea 2004).
2.6 Site of study: Maranga Complex
The Complejo Arqueológico Maranga, or Maranga Complex, is located in the south margin of the lower Rimac valley, in the present day districts of San Miguel, Pueblo Libre and Cercado, in Lima (Figure 2.6). The total area of the site is unknown, since the urbanization of the area had started long before archaeological studies were initiated, possibly 42
being laarger than Paachacamac, but b is underrrepresented in the Spaniish chroniclees for not beiing a religio ous center (D Dulanto 2008). The maiin corpus of publicationss available aabout the MC C comes from f the Sem minario de Arqueología A Pontificia of the Instituuto Riva Aggüero of the P Universsidad Católicca del Perú (SAIRA-PU ( CP) that worrked at the ccomplex mosstly during tthe late 196 60s and early y 1970s. Th he archaeolog gy work haltted during thhe 1970s, annd resumed during the t 1990s un nder the Patrronato del Paarque de las Leyendas (P PATPAL), aand the Proyectto Arqueológ gico Huaca 20. 2
Figure 2.6 Rimac valley v and loccation of Ma aranga Copllex
43
The MC has been occupied since at least the Early Intermediate Period (EIP, 0-750 AD) (Cárdenas 1975a, 975b; Cárdenas and Huapaya 1975; Cieza de León 1994 [1554]; Cobo 1964; Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Canziani 1987; Mackay and Santa Cruz 2000), although superficial observations have lead some scholars to believe there is an older underlying Formative occupation in certain areas of the complex (Inés del Águila personal communication, 2008). The area was occupied constantly since the EIP and was a center of religious and political power for the Maranga polity during the EIP and MH, the Inca Empire and the Early Colonial occupation of the lower Rimac valley (Cárdenas 1975a, 975b; Cárdenas and Huapaya 1975; Cieza de León 1994 [1554]; Cobo 1964; Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Canziani 1987; Mackay and Santa Cruz 2000).
The main edifices are organized in two different areas, located in present day Parque de Las Leyendas. The first group consists of two PWR and a series of smaller buildings enclosed by a walled road that dates to Inca times (Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Canziani 1987; Museo de Sitio Ernest Middendorf exhibit, 2009). This compound served as the political seat of the Maranga polity (Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Canziani 1987; Museo de Sitio Ernest Middendorf exhibit, 2009). The religious center is located to the east of the first compound (Museo de Sitio Ernest Middendorf exhibit, 2006). The most prominent structure in this compound is Huaca Tres Palos (Figure 2.7). One of the earliest Colonial structures archaeologically excavated in Lima was on the highest platform of the structure, and it was the interpreted to be the house of a Spanish functionary that transformed the ritual structures and the solar observatory at the top
44
of Huaca Tres Palos into his living quarters (Cárdenas 1970). A big plaza, further enclosed by Huaca La Cruz and Huaca Cruz Blanca complete the second compound (Figure 2.7).
The rest of the site spreads onto the adjacent areas. There are domestic sites that in some cases were re-used as a cemetery, like Huaca 20 (MacKay and Santa Cruz 2000). Other structures, known as huacas and most of them numbered, served as administrative/public buildings, storage areas, and workshops and some were reused as cemetery areas (Cárdenas 1975a, 1975b; Cárdenas and Huapaya 1975; Del Águila 1986; Del Águila and Ramos de Cox 1968; Ramos de Cox and Cárdenas Martin 1975). Finally, there are also walled roads that connect the two main compounds with other areas of the MC, like the road that connects Huaca Tres Palos (Figure 2.7) with Mateo Salado to the East.
The cemeteries that the SAIRA—PUCP excavated between 1968 and 1974 were located in the structures known as Huaca 62, Huaca 63, Huaca Corpus I and Huaca La Luz (Del Águila Ríos and Ramos de Cox 1968; Del Águila Ríos 1987; Corbacho Carrillo 1975; Olivera de Bueno 1971). The burials from these cemeteries date to the LH and there are few dated to the Early Colonial Period (called Transitional in Del Águila Ríos 1987). All the funerary structures are pits, in most cases shallow but some are as deep as 90 cm that break into the earlier floors and architecture. The researchers classified the mode of burial in four different types: bundles, unwrapped skeletons, stretchers, and lose bones. The individuals buried in bundles were in a flexed and seated position, kept in place by cordage, and covered with several layers of undecorated textiles. These burials were found with the most offerings,
45
Huuaca Santa C Cruz
Huaca H San Miguel M Huaca La C Cruz
H Huaca Tres P Palos
Figure 2.7 Location n of edifices in Maranga a Complex.
that inccluded ceram mics, foodstu uffs such as corn c and beaans, weavingg implementss, gourds, annd occasio onally metal artifacts and d beads. Thee unwrappedd skeletons ccorrespond too individualss placed in i an extend ded position and a laying on o their backks in very shaallow pits. T They were aall found without w any offerings. o The T individuaals buried inn stretchers w were positionned on their back wiith their knees flexed and tied with cordage, c andd placed on ttheir backs oon cane stretcheers. The offeerings of theese burials arre very simillar to the bunndles, but diiffer in their smallerr number. Lo ose bones arre contexts of o secondary burial of inccomplete rem mains of 46
individuals. The elements most commonly present are crania and long bones, and they are usually placed in a textile bag. The offerings are few and in some cases there are Spanish elements such as glass beads and glazed ceramic fragments. In the case of these secondary burials, Del Águila Ríos (1987) has proposed that the re-interment was done with big ceramic vessels used to transport the individuals. The orientation of the individuals is to the south, southwest or west. In all cases each pit corresponds to one individual, except Huaca La Luz, where multiple tombs with individuals of different sexes and ages were found (Del Águila Ríos 1987).
The burials that I will analyze come from Huaca Cruz Blanca and Huaca San Miguel (Figure 2.7). Augusto Casafranca excavated the burials from Cruz Blanca in the 1960s, and there are no field records for any of them, except the approximate provenience within Huaca Cruz Blanca (Lucénida Carrión personal communication 2009). The burials from Huaca San Miguel have been excavated under the archaeological and restoration project conducted by the Archaeology section of PATPAL (Carrión 2002, 2003, 2006, 2007).
These belong to
individuals interred in a flexed or extended position under floors. According to Carrión, they are associated with remodeling episodes of the building, such as laying down new floors and building new walls (Carrión 2002, 2003, 2006, 2007).
47
CHAPTER THREE
MATERIALS AND METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes the sample and outlines the procedures and methods used in the collection of data for this thesis. The types of data collected are separated according to adult and subadult individuals. Subsequently, all the pathological conditions analyzed are briefly described and then the hypotheses tested for this thesis are presented. Finally, there is a review of the statistical tests to be performed.
3.1 Sample
The sample for this thesis comes from two huacas of the Maranga Complex (Huaca Cruz Blanca and Huaca San Miguel), and are thus separated and coded accordingly (HCB and HSM respectively). Augusto Casafranca excavated the Huaca Cruz Blanca burials in the late 1960s, but left no field records (Lucénida Carrión personal communication 2009); thus, we only know the approximate provenience area for these funerary contexts. These individuals exhibit very good preservation; some of them still have soft tissue attached, and others are still in the funerary bundles. Since it was impossible to unwrap the bundles, some individuals (n=4) were not included in the sample. When part of the individual’s remains were accessible or were found outside the bundle, they were recorded and analyzed. An example of this is HCB04. The skull was outside the bundle, and the rest of the bundle was recorded. It is interesting to see the smaller bundle of a young subadult being held by the arm of the woman (see Figure 3.1). Another interesting case of remarkable preservation is one of the forearms of HCB02, on which tattoos may be fish designs, were still distinguishable (see Figure 3.2). 48
The PA ATPAL archaaeological teeam excavateed the subsaample from H Huaca San M Miguel betweeen the yearrs 2002 and 2007 (Carrió ón Sotelo 20 002, 2003, 20007). The fu funerary struuctures brokee into preevious occup pation floors or were laid d before the remodeling of rooms wiithin the structurre. They hav ve been interrpreted as seealing offerinngs to the ennclosures in w which they were fo ound. With the t exception n of three individuals (H HSM06, HSM M07, and HS SM08), all thhe burials from Huacaa San Miguell come from single buriaals with few burial goodss that were limited to Ychsma-style ceramiic vessels.
Figure 3.1: Bundle off HCB04. Note N the arm of Individuaal 1(red arroow) holding a smaller bun ndle (Individdual 2).
Figure F 3.2: HCB forearrm. Note cirrcular (fish ddesign?) tattooos. 3.2 Datta Collected d 49
3.2.1 Adult individuals
The age-at-death and sex of all individuals was estimated following published standards. Age estimation of adult individuals followed traditional methods (sternal rib end, morphology of the pubic symphysis, auricular surface morphology, and cranial suture closure) (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994, Ubelaker 1999). All the individuals were separated into groups according to the following age categories: Young Adult (20-34), Middle Adult (35-50), and Older Adult (over 50). Individual adults whose age could not be estimated because they were incomplete were classified as General Adults. All the forms used are attached in Appendix I.
Sex was estimated based on the characteristics of the pelvis (presence/absence of ventral arc, presence/absence of subpubic concavity, morphology and presence/absence of the ischiopubic ramus, morphology of the greater sciatic notch, and presence/absence and degree of preauricular sulcus) and cranium (morphology of the nuchal crest, size and shape of mastoid processes, thickness of supraorbital margin, prominence of glabella, and shape of mental eminence) of the individuals (Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994; Meindl et al., 1985; Murail et al., 1999; Phenice, 1969). The sex estimation resulted in the classification of individuals as Female, Male, Probable Female, Probable Male and Indeterminate. The collection of paleopathological data was simultaneous to both age-at-death and sex estimation, and followed established standards (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1999). In the case of subadults, secondary sex characteristics were recorded when present. All the forms used are attached in Appendix I.
3.2.2 Subadult individuals
50
Subadult age was estimated based on long bone length, epiphyseal union, and dental eruption. The dental data collection followed Gaither (2004). When present, the lengths of the diaphyses of the humerus, radius, ulna, femur, tibia, and fibula were measured, as well as the width of the illium. When both dentition and long bones are present, the data collected on both was used to estimate the individual’s age. The collection of paleopathological data was simultaneous and followed established standards (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1999). All the forms used are attached in Appendix I.
3.3 Pathological conditions
The pathological conditions examined for this thesis are described below. All of the observations were macroscopic. The methods and standards that followed are also included in each subsection.
3.3.1 Non-specific stress indicators
A. Porotic hyperostosis
The lesions associated with porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia are characterized by a sponge-like appearance of the outer table of the bone because of the expansion of the diploë due to marrow hypertrophy that responds to megaloblastic anemia caused by inadequate levels of vitamins B12 and B9 (Walker et al. 2009). Recent research suggests that the synergistic effects of inadequate nutrition, unsanitary living conditions, infectious diseases, etc might be responsible for high incidence of megaloblastic anemia (Walker at al. 2009). Diets with lower than 0.5µg of vitamin B12, inadequate B12 in maternal milk, and 51
gastroin ntestinal infeections can be b counted among a the m most commonn causes of m megaloblastic anemia in the past (Walker ( et al. 2009).
For the purp poses of this thesis, poro otic hyperosttosis was evaaluated and ddescribed according to the loccation, severrity and degrree of remoddeling, and activity at tim me of death, ng published d standards (Buikstra ( and Ubelaker 11994) (Appeendix I). Thhe scoring coodes followin are as follow: f
Degree: 1. Barely B discerrnible; 2. Po orosity only; 3. Porosity w with coalesccing foraminna; 4. Coalescing C foramina fo with h increased tthickness
Activity: A.. Active at time of death; B. Healed; C. Mixed reeaction, bothh healed andd actiive lesions
The summary of observ ved porotic hyperostosis h is presentedd in Appendiix III.
Figure 3.3 3: Porotic hyyperostosis on o the squam mous portionn and along the lambdoiid suturre. (HSM03))
52
B. Cribra orbitalia
Cribra orbitalia refers to the lesions in the orbital roof resulting from marrow hypertrophy associated with diploë-expansive anemias and subperiosteal inflammation (Walker et al. 2009). Causes for subperiosteal inflammation of the orbital roofs include scurvy, rickets, hemangiomas, and traumatic injuries (Walker et al. 2009). Cribra orbitalia lesions are often found among children since the periosteum in subadults is less firmly attached than in adults, and because the density of blood vessels connecting the periosteum to the underlying bone decreases with age (Ma’luf et al. 2002; Walker et al. 2009). It is very likely that people with orbital lesions, particularly adults with lesions active at the time of death, were the result of a combination of inadequate diet and other chronic subperiosteal hematoma-inducing condition, such as scurvy (Walker et al. 2009).
The severity and degree of remodeling, and activity at time of death of the cases of cribra orbitalia was performed following published standards (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994) (Appendix I). The scoring codes are as follow:
Degree: 1. Barely discernible; 2. Porosity only; 3. Porosity with coalescing foramina; 4. Coalescing foramina with increased thickness
Activity: A. Active at time of death; B. Healed; C. Mixed reaction, both healed and active lesions
The summary of observed porotic hyperostosis is presented in Appendix III.
53
Fig gure 3.4: Criibra orbitaliaa lesions (H HSM02)
C. Developm mental enam mel defects
A developm mental enameel defect (DE ED) refers too any abnorm mal conditionns observablle in the dentin, d enamel or both th hat resulted from f any conndition that aaffected disrrupted crownn formation (Ortner 2003: 2 594-59 95, Hillson 2008:302). 2 A Any conditioon that may ccause DED t age of 6 for f it to be observable o (O Ortner 2003)). Causes arre infectious must occcur before the diseases such as con ngenital syphilis and tub berculosis, m metabolic dissorders, and endocrine disorders, as well as acute, shorrt term episo odes of stresss (Goodmann and Martin 2002; Ortneer A of thesee conditions can create defective d linees in the enaamel, or denttal hypoplasiias. 2003). Any These lesions are ty ypically lineaar, horizontaal grooves off reduced ennamel thicknness that exteend wn (Aufderheeide and Roddríguez-Marrtín 199: 4055). around the circumfeerence of thee tooth crow The preesence of enaamel hypopllasias has been used to innfer the timee of the stresssful event thhat caused it (Goodman n and Armellagos 1988 in n Aufderheidde and Rodrríguez-Martíín 199: 405). The preevalence of DED D was esttimated baseed on the couunt of the nuumber of inddividuals thatt 54
presented at least on ne DED, div vided by the total numbeer of individuuals. The obbserved denttal develop pmental defeects were meeasured from m the cervicoo-enamel junnction and reecorded in thhe forms in n Appendix I. The summ mary of deveelopmental eenamel defects observedd is presentedd in Append dix III.
Figure 3.5:: Developmeental enamell defect. Arrrow indicatess linear enam mel hypoplaasia on right mandiibular caninee (HSM01)
D. Growth and a stature
Human grow wth and deveelopment caan be separatted in the fivve following stages (Boggin 2001):
e. Infancy (agees 0-3), when the most rapid r growthh is presentedd early on annd declines through time. f. Childhood (ages ( 3-6), when w the braiin stops grow wing and aduult molars errupt. There is a significant growth g spurtt at the end of o this phase . 55
g. Juvenile (ages 7 to 10 in females, and 7 to 12 in males), when the slowest growth rate since birth takes place. h. Adolescence (ages 10 to 18 in females, and 12 to 20 in males), when sexual maturation and adolescence growth spurt take place. i. Adulthood (after 18 in females and 20 in males), when adult height is attained. Juvenile age-at-death is a sensitive indicator of community health (Bogin 2001). Short-for-age stature among subadults can be interpreted as the result of low birth weight, small size for gestational age, premature birth, twin birth, and mother’s poor nutritional status (Lewis 2007). It is important to keep in mind that poor nutritional status during infancy might be hidden in older age due to later “catching up” in growth; and that long bones of infants are ideally only used for age estimation in conjunction with dental data, since poor nutritional status might lead us to under-age the individual (Lewis 2007).
Terminal or adult stature is a good indicator of nutritional and overall health status among populations (Goodman and Martin 2002). Stature is influenced by genes, hormones, psychological stress, and environmental stress, but it is the latter, especially nutrition, that affects terminal stature the most (Larsen 1997). Nutrition and disease have a synergistic relationship in which individuals of poor nutritional status are more susceptible to infectious processes, and infections may inhibit the body to adequately absorb essential nutrients from the diet, which would in turn inhibit growth (Klaus 2008).
Verano (1994, 1997) demonstrated the adequacy of using the equations created by Genovés (1967) for estimating terminal height in samples from the Central Andes. As 56
recommended by Klaus (2008), brachial index (BI) and crural index (CI) that estimate body proportions are used to estimate adequacy of comparison of terminal growth between samples. The formulas for Genovés (1967), BI, and CI are presented below.
Genovés (1967) formulae for terminal stature:
Male terminal stature: (2.26 [Femur max]) + 66.379 ±3.417
Female terminal stature: (2.59 [Femur max]) + 49.742 ±3.816 Brachial index: BI = (Radius max/Humerus max) x 100 Crural Index: CI = (Tibia max/Femur max) x 100 The results for terminal stature are presented in Appendix IV. The results for brachial and crural indices are presented in Appendix V.
3.3.2 Vertebral pathological conditions: vertebral osteophytosis and Schmorl’s nodes
The pathological condition known as vertebral osteophytosis results from the closer approximation of the vertebrae that is caused by the degeneration of the intervertebral disk (Aufderheide and Rodriguez Martin 1998: 96). The constant contact between vertebrae stimulates erosion and marginal osteophyte development in the vertebral bodies (Ortner 2003). Another change in vertebral body structure that was noted is the presence of structure known as Schmorl’s nodes. These appear as the result of intervertebral disk pressure on the superior or inferior surfaces of the vertebral bodies (Buisktra and Ubelaker 1994: 121). The
57
two con nditions are very v often fo ound togetheer (Buikstra and Ubelakeer 1994: 1211). Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994 4), Aufderheeide and Rod driguez Marttin (1998), annd Ortner (22003) agree tthat a age-relateed condition. The record ding of vertebbral patholoogies followeed Buikstra aand this is an Ubelaker’s (1994) standards. s The T presencee of osteophyytes and noddes as well as their degreee was notted. The sco oring codes used u are the following:
Degree: 1. Barely B discerrnible; 2. Eleevated ring; 3. Spicules;; 4. Fusion present
The summary of observ ved vertebrall pathologicaal conditionss is presentedd in Appenddix III.
V ostephytosis. Arrow A pointts to spicule fformation (H HCB03) Figure 3.6 Vertebral
joint disease 3.3.3 Degenerative D
The patholo ogical condition known as degenerattive joint dissease (DJD) is identifiabble by the presence p of lesions l resullting from diirect interossseous contacct within diarrthrodial joinnts (Aufderrheide and Rodriguez R Martin M 1998: 93). 9 It is a nnoninflammaatory, progreessive and chronicc condition (A Aufderheidee and Rodrig guez Martin 1998: 93) thhat involves tthe slow 58
destructtion of the cartilage (Orttner 2003). According A too Ortner, deegenerative joint disease is usually symmetricaal and involv ves several jo oints (Ortnerr 2003: 562)). The princiipal featuress of d inclu ude: a. loss of o cartilage inn the centrall areas of bonne ends in degenerrative joint disease diarthro oidal joints, b. b remodelin ng of bone prroducing ostteophytes, c. cysts and ssclerosis in thhe areas deevoid of carttilage, d. smooth and pollished aspecct of the bonee surface ressulting from constan nt bone contaact, known as a eburnation n, and e. fibrrotic, thickenned capsule (Aufderheidde and Rod driguez Marrtin 1998: 94 4). All thesee features weere recorded according too the standarrds publish hed (Buikstraa and Ubelak ker 1994). The T codes ussed to recordd the cases off degenerativve joint dissease are thee following:
Degree: 0. Absent; A 1. Barely discern nible; 2. Moderate expreession; 3. Exxtensive, spiccules presentt
Extent: A. Absent; A B. Less L than 1/3 of surface innvolved; C. Between 1/33 and 2/3 off surfface involveed; D. Over 2/3 2 of surfacce involved.
The summary of degeneerative joint disease is prresented in A Appendix IIII.
59
Figure 3.7: Degenerrative joint disease d on th e posterior aaspect of thee radial headd (HCB03) (
Figure 3.8: Degenerativve joint disea ase on the annterior aspeect of the tem mpo-mandibuular join nt (HCB02) 3.3.4 Dental D condittions
A. Dental ca arious lesion ns
Dental cario ous lesions are a the pathological conddition of the calcified teeeth tissues thhat involvees the demineeralization of o the inorgan nic componeent and the ddestruction oof the organiic portion of the teeth (Aufderheid de and Rodrííguez-Martínn 1998, Hillsson 2008). T They are moost commo only caused by b the presen nce of acid-ccausing bactteria in the ddental crown that progresssively destro oys first the enamel, and d later the deentin (Ortnerr 2003: 590). The subsequ uent destructtion of the dental roots occurs o after ttheir exposuure to bacteriia from periodo ontal disease (Ortner 200 03: 590). Th he dental sur faces where carious lesions might be found are: a a. the occlusal surfacce, b. the sm mooth surfacees of the crow wn, c. the innterproximal (mesial and distal) and a the bucccolingual surrfaces, d. thee cervical areea and e. thee root.
60
Occlusal surface carious lesions are more common on posterior teeth (premolars and molars), which provide more opportunity for entrapment of food particles (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998: 403). Carious lesions on the occlusal surfaces of the anterior teeth (incisors and canines) are common when there are developmental pits in them (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998: 403). Diseased soft and hard tissues cause root carious lesions, most commonly by the retraction or destruction of the gingival that exposes the roots to the buccal environment (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 199: 404). When carious lesions are severe, the surrounding bones may be compromised as well. The bone will be destroyed and partial bony sclerosis may appear around the infectious focus (Ortner 2003: 592).
The computation of prevalence of carious lesions was done by counting all individuals with at least one carious lesion, and were further analyzed by the presence or absence of these carious lesions in anterior teeth (incisors and canines) and posterior teeth (premolars and molars). The total prevalence was estimated by counting the number of individuals that had at least one carious lesion, and the dividing it by the total number of individuals. Counting the number of female and male individuals and then dividing it by the number of females and males, respectively, calculated the prevalence among males and females.
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Figure 3.9:: Carious lessions on decciduous denttition (HSM002)
B. Antemorttem tooth losss (AMTL)
Another ind dicator of den ntal health iss the prevaleence of antem mortem toothh loss (AMT TL), which may m be causeed by period dontal diseasse, trauma, an and pathologgical conditioons such as scurvy (Waldron 20 009: 238). The T sockets left l behind bby teeth lost antemortem m are veolar resorp ption and rem modeling, soometimes givving the bonee the recogniizable by alv appearaance of a smaller size and/or reduced d density (W Waldron 20099).
valence of AMTL A was ddone by counnting all indiividuals thatt The computtation of prev had lostt at least onee tooth antem mortem, and were furtherr described aaccording too their relativve position n in anterior teeth (inciso ors and canin nes) and possterior teeth (premolars aand molars). The totaal prevalence was estimaated by coun nting the num mber of indivviduals that had lost at least one too oth antemorteem, and the dividing it by b the total nnumber of inndividuals. C Counting thee
62
numberr of female and a male ind dividuals and d then dividinng it by the nnumber of fe females and males, respectively r , calculated the prevalen nce among m males and fem males.
Figure 3.11: Antemortem tooth losss (AMTL) an d postmorteem tooth losss (HCB04)
3.4 Tra auma
Trauma is defined d as thee injury to liiving tissue ccaused by faactors extrinssic to the affected d individualss (Lovell 200 08), and it caan refer to frractures, disllocations, orr muscular strains and a pulls. The T impact of o moving ob bjects, hard ssurfaces, andd weapons arre common causes of o trauma (L Lovell 2008). Fractures are defined aas the compllete or incom mplete breakk in the continuity of bo one, caused by b direct or indirect i forcce (Lovell 20008). In thiss thesis, ording to their timing rel ative to the ttime of deathh of the fracturees will be claassified acco individu ual. Antemo ortem fracturres result fro om an injuryy before the iindividual’s death, and ccan be recognized by th he remodelin ng of the bon ne. Perimorttem trauma rrefers to injuuries that occurreed near the tiime of death of the indiv vidual, and iss characterizzed by the lack of remodeeling of the affected a bonee. Antemorttem and periimortem trauuma will be distinguisheed 63
from po ostmortem damage d that is i recognizab ble by the diifferent coloration of thee bone, and angularr fractures. Trauma T can also a be repreesented by diislocation off joints, whicch occurs whhen the bon nes in a joint are displaceed. When po ossible, the ddifference beetween conggenital and traumattic (accidental) dislocatio on was noted d. Last, musscular strainns can be recognized by tthe ossificaation of a bru uised musclee, most comm monly as myyositis ossifiicans traumaatica (Lovell 2008). All bones were w inspecteed macroscop pically for evvidences of fracture andd associated compliccations, such h as arthritis.. All cases of o trauma weere recordedd based on boone fracturedd, type of fracture, preesence/absen nce of remod deling, and ssequelae of th the fracture.
Figurre 3.12: Fra acture in the process of hhealing, distaal left ulna ((HSM03)
64
Figure 3.13: Congenittal hip dyspla asia. A. Atrrophy of aceetabulum (arrrow); B. Ne New articulation n on ilium (H HSM03) 3.6 Hyp potheses
The main hy ypothesis off this thesis teests the quesstion of how w did the Incaa presence inn the Cen ntral Coast afffect the heaalth of the local populatioon by statingg that there iis no changee in the overall health of the individ duals of the Central C Coasst during thee Inca occupaation of the pothesis, the sample is coompared witth available ppublished daata region. In order to test this hyp from otther pre-Hisp panic and Co olonial Perio od sites from m different arreas of the C Central Andees. The sitees to be used d are Late Ho orizon Purucchuco-Huaquuerones (Gaaither 2004, M Murphy 20004, William ms and Murp phy unpublisshed ms), Laate Intermediiate Period H Huaca Huallaamarca (Rím mac valley) (Pechenkinaa et al. 2007)), Late Pre-H Hispanic Lam mbayeque (K Klaus and Taam 2009a), que (Klaus and Tam 200 09b), Late Hoorizon Machhu Picchu (V Verano 2003)), Coloniaal Lambayeq Middle Horizon Ceentral and So outhern High hlands (Tungg 2003), andd Early Interm mediate Periiod (Mochee) El Brujo (Gaither 2004 4). The seco ondary hypootheses and tthe null hypootheses for eeach test are listed below w. Each of th he null hypo otheses is bassed on availaable data froom the comparrative samplees (Tung 200 03; Verano 2003; 2 Gaitheer 2004; Muurphy 2004; P Pechinkina eet 65
al. 2007; Klaus and Tam 200a, 2009b; Williams and Murphy ms). The data for Puruchuco comes from three different studies, so it is presented as separate samples, and tested separately.
Hypothesis A: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis A.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms) sample.
Null hypothesis A.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis A.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among the adults of the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
Null hypothesis A.4: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults the Maranga sample and the Machu Picchu (Verano 2003) sample.
Null hypothesis A.5: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults of the Maranga sample and the Central and Southern Highlands (Tung 2003) sample.
Hypothesis B: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among subadults of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples. 66
Null hypothesis B.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among subadults of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis B.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among the subadults of the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
Null hypothesis B.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of cribra orbitalia among adults of the Maranga sample and the Central and Southern Highlands (Tung 2003) sample.
Hypothesis C: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence porotic hyperostosis among adults of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis C.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms) sample.
Null hypothesis C.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis C.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
67
Null hypothesis C.4: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample.
Null hypothesis C.5: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
Null hypothesis C.6: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Machu Picchu (Verano 2003) sample.
Null hypothesis C.7: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Central and Southern Highlands (Tung 2003) sample.
Hypothesis D: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence porotic hyperostosis among adults of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis D.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms) sample.
Null hypothesis D.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
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Null hypothesis D.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
Null hypothesis D.4: There is no difference in the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis between the Maranga sample and the Central and Southern Highlands (Tung 2003) sample.
Hypothesis E: There is no statistically significant difference in the combined prevalence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis among the individuals of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis E.1: There is no difference in the combined prevalence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis among the individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Gaither 2004) sample.
Null Hypothesis E.2: There is no difference in the combined prevalence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis among the individuals of the Maranga sample and the El Brujo (Gaither 2004) sample.
Hypothesis F: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of vertebral pathological conditions between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis F.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of vertebral pathological conditions between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004,) sample.
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Hypothesis G: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of degenerative joint disease between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis G.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of degenerative joint disease between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Hypothesis H: There is no statistically significant difference in the terminal stature of the female individuals of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis H.1: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms) sample.
Null hypothesis H.2: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis H.3: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Gaither 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis H.4: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
Null hypothesis H.5: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample. 70
Null hypothesis H.6: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
Null hypothesis H.7: There is no difference in the terminal stature of female individuals of the Maranga sample and the Machu Picchu (Verano 2003) sample.
Hypothesis I: There is no statistically significant difference in the terminal stature of the male individuals of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis I.2: There is no difference in the terminal stature of male individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis I.3: There is no difference in the terminal stature of male individuals of the Maranga sample and the El Brujo (Gaither 2004) sample.
Hypothesis J: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis J.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Hypothesis K: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among female individuals in the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
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Null hypothesis K.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among female individuals in the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis K.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among female individuals in the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample.
Null hypothesis K.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among female individuals in the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
Hypothesis L: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among the male individuals of the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis L.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among the male individuals of the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis L.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among the male individuals of the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample.
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Null hypothesis L.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions among the male individuals of the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
Hypothesis M: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions per tooth present between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis M.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions per tooth present between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis M.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions per tooth present between the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample.
Null hypothesis M.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental carious lesions per tooth present between the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
Hypothesis N: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of antemortem tooth loss (AMTL) between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis N.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of AMTL present between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
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Hypothesis O: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of AMTL among females between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis O.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of AMTL among females between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Hypothesis P: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of AMTL among males between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis P.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of AMTL among males between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Hypothesis Q: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of AMTL per loci between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis Q.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of AMTL among males between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Null hypothesis Q.2: There is no difference in the prevalence AMTL per loci between the Maranga sample and the Pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009a) sample.
Null hypothesis Q.3: There is no difference in the prevalence of AMTL per loci between the Maranga sample and the Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009b) sample.
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Hypothesis R: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of dental enamel developmental defects between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis R.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of dental developmental defects between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
Hypothesis S: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of antemortem trauma between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis S.2: There is no difference in the prevalence of antemortem trauma between the Maranga sample and the Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007) sample.
Hypothesis T: There is no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of perimortem trauma between the Maranga sample and the comparative samples.
Null hypothesis T.1: There is no difference in the prevalence of perimortem trauma between the Maranga sample and the Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) sample.
The results for the statistical tests (below) should not be taken without taking into account without considering that other differences, such as differential access to resources due to geographical location, and diet variability, might be acting in the health outcomes of the individuals in the samples. Nonetheless, it is important to compare the Maranga sample to other geographically and temporally distant populations since they provide important
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comparative data for the health of different Andean populations in pre-Hispanic and Colonial times.
3.7 Statistical analysis
The two more important statistical tests for this thesis are unpaired t-test and Fisher’s exact, depending on the type of variable tested. All the tests were performed GraphPad INSTAT 3.0. Since the sample size is small, there is a chance of Type I error. To avoid this, a Bonferroni correction was used.
A. Fisher’s exact test
Fisher’s exact test is the statistical test used to analyze nonrandom associations between two categorical variables. Unlike other tests that examine the relationship between two variables, Fisher’s exact does not require large samples that are normally distributed, and it calculates the exact value that describes the difference between the two samples. The null hypothesis, or statement that Fisher’s exact tests, is that the possible outcomes or expected values of the characteristic being tested for each group being compared are equal. The only assumption of Fisher’s exact test is that the outcomes are equally likely in both groups. The null hypothesis will be rejected when the p value is equal or lower than 0.008.
B. Unpaired t-test
The unpaired t-test is a statistical test that allows for the comparison of two samples in terms of differences between them, when the variables are continuous (i.e. stature). The null
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hypothesis for this test is µ1 = µ2. The null hypothesis is accepted when the difference between µ1 and µ2 falls within the 95% acceptance region of the normal distribution of possible results.
Unpaired t-tests assume that the samples were obtained randomly; that the variables are independent, that is, that if by obtaining one observation, the following observations will not be affected; that the data is distributed normally; and that the variances are homogeneous. In comparing the two groups of burials, these assumptions will be tested. Unpaired t-tests will be used to compare terminal stature. The null hypothesis will be rejected when the p value is equal or lower than 0.008.
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CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS
4.1 Demographic data
The total number of individuals included in this analysis is 15, seven from Huaca Cruz Blanca (HCB01-HCB07), and eight from Huaca San Miguel (HSM01-HSM08). All age groups are represented in the sample. The subadults, or individuals below the age-at-death of 20, represent 20% of the combined sample (n=3), 28.6% of the HCB subsample (N=2), and 12.5% of the HSM subsample (n=1). Young Adults (20-34 years old) represent 20% of the overall sample (n=3), 14.3% of the HCB subsample (n=1), and 25% of the HSM subsample (n=2). Middle Adults (35-49 years old) represent 27% of the overall sample (n=4), 28.6% of the HCB subsample (n=2), and 25% of the HSM subsample (n=2). The Older Adults (over 50 years old) represent 13% of the overall sample (n=2), and 28.6% of the HCB subsample (n=2); no Older Adults were found among the HSM subsample. The category “Adults” corresponds to individuals whose age could not be narrowed to an age category due to preservation or lack of diagnostic elements. They comprise 20% of the overall sample (n=2), and 38% of the HSM subsample (n=2); no individuals were classified within this group in the HCB subsample. The frequencies are presented in Table 4.1.
Age group
Overall
HCB
HSM
Subadult
3/15 (20%)
2/7 (28.57%)
1/8 (12.5)
Young Adult
3/15 (20%)
1/7 (14.28%)
2/8 (25%)
Middle Adult
4/15 (27%)
2/7 (28.57%)
2/8 (25%)
Older Adult
2/15 (13%)
2/7 (28.57%)
0/8
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General Adult
3/15 (20%)
0/7
3/8 (37.5%)
Table 4.1: Age frequencies in this Maranga sample Sex was estimated by observing secondary sex characteristics in the pelvis and crania. The possible sexes in which the individuals were classified are Female, Probable Female, Indeterminate, Probable Male, and Male. The Females represent 58.3% of the overall adults in the sample (n=7), 80% of the HCB subsample (n=4), and 42.8% of the HSM subsample (n=3). The Probable Males (n=1) represent 8% of the combined sample, and 14.9% of the HSM subsample; no individuals were classified as Probable Males in the HCB subsample. The Male individuals (n=4) represent 33% of the overall sample, 20% of the HCB subsample (n=1), and 42.8% of the HSM subsample (n=3). The frequencies of adult sex are presented in Table 4.2. There is no statistically significant difference between the number of males and the number of females (Fisher’s exact p>0.999).
Sex
Overall
HCB
HSM
F
7/12 (58.33%)
4/5 (80%)
3/7 (42.85%)
PF
0/12
0/12
0/7
IND
0/12
0/12
0/7
PM
1/12 (8.33%)
0/12
1/7 (14.28%)
M
4/12 (33.33%)
1/5 (20%)
3/7 (42.85%)
Table 4.2: Sex frequencies in this Maranga sample
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4.2 Non-specific stress indicators
A. Cribra orbitalia
Fifteen crania were available for complete visual inspection. Of these fifteen crania, five (33.3%) presented lesions consistent with cribra orbitalia (Table 4.3). All of the subadults in the sample (three) exhibited lesions consistent with cribra orbitalia. Two adult females also displayed cribra orbitalia, and in both cases, it was active at the time of death (Table 4.3). There is a significant difference of prevalence among adults and subadults in this sample (Fisher’s exact p=0.014). The difference in prevalence between HSM and HCB is not significant (Fisher’s exact p=0.575), as well the prevalence among males and females (Fisher’s exact p=0.469).
ID
Age group
Sex
HCB04
A
HCB05
Cribra Orbitalia Presence?
Degree
Activity
F
Y
1
A
YA
F
Y
2
A
HCB06
6-11yrs
IND
Y
1
A
HCB07
8-16 mos
IND
Y
1
A
HSM02
4-6 yrs
IND
Y
1
B
Table 4.3. Cribra orbitalia in the Maranga sample. Y=yes; Degree codes: 1. Barely discernible, 2. Porosity only; 3. Porosity and coalescing foramina; 4. Coalescing foramina and increased thickness of outer table. Activity codes: A. Active; B. Healed. The prevalence of cribra orbitalia among the Maranga sample, when compared to samples from Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms, Murphy 2004), Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007), Machu Picchu (Verano 2003), and the Central and Southern
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Highlands (Tung 2003) is statistically similar to all subadult samples (Table 4.4). The only sample of adults that differs from this Maranga sample is that of the Central and Southern Highlands. The prevalence rates compared are presented in Appendix II.
P values - Cribra Orbitalia
Sample
Adults
Subadults
Puruchuco1
0.460
2
Puruchuco
0.694
0.617
Huaca Huallamarca
0.127
0.097
Machu Picchu
0.307
Central and Southern Highlands
0.999
Table 4.4 Fisher’s exact p values for comparison of prevalence of cribra orbitalia with comparative samples.1. Williams and Murphy ms; 2. Murphy 2004. Blank: test not performed. Result significant if equal or lower than 0.05.
B. Porotic hyperostosis
Thirteen crania were available for macroscopic inspection. Of these, eight exhibited lesions consistent with porotic hyperostosis, along parietal bosses, the lambdoid suture, and the squamous portion of the occipital (Table 4.5). Five of these crania belonged to adults (62.5% of individuals with porotic hyperostosis; 41.66% of the total adults) (Table 4.5). All the subadults presented the lesions, where two had active lesions, and one had both active and healed lesions (Table 4.5). There is no significant difference between the prevalence of porotic hyperostosis among adults and subadults (Fisher’s exact p=0.2), in prevalence among females and males (Fisher’s exact p=0.545), or in prevalence by provenience (HCB vs. HSM) (Fisher’s exact p=0.332). 81
ID
Age group
Sex
HCB02
MA
HCB03
Porotic Hyperostosis Lesions?1
Score2
F
Y
4-B
OA
F
Y
3-A
HCB05
YA
F
Y
3-A
HCB06
6-11 yrs
IND
Y
4-A
HCB07
8-16 mos
IND
Y
4-A
HSM01
YA
F
Y
2-A
HSM02
4-6 yrs
IND
Y
4-C
HSM03
MA
M
Y
2-A
Table 4.5. Porotic hyperostosis in the Maranga sample. Y=yes; Degree codes: 1. Barely discernible, 2. Porosity only; 3. Porosity and coalescing foramina; 4. Coalescing foramina and increased thickness of outer table. Activity codes: A. Active; B. Healed; C. Mixed reaction. Fisher’s exact tests with the comparative samples from Puruchuco (Williams and Murphy ms, Murphy 2004), Huaca Huallamarca (Pechenkina et al. 2007), Late pre-Hispanic Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009), Colonial Lambayeque (Klaus and Tam 2009), Machu Picchu (Verano 2003), and the Central and Southern Highlands (Tung 2003) indicate that the Maranga sample is only significantly different in prevalence of porotic hyperostosis among adults than the Machu Picchu sample (Table 4.6), but no statistically significant difference was observed with the other samples (Table 4.6). The prevalence rates compared are presented in Appendix II.
P values - Porotic Hyperostosis
Sample
Adults
Subadults
1
>0.999
2
Puruchuco
>0.999
0.561
Huaca Huallamarca
>0.999
0.220
Late pre-Hispanic Lambayeque
0.372
Puruchuco
82
Colonial Lambayeque
0.557
Machu Picchu
0.999
0.050
Table 4.6 Fisher’s exact p values for comparison of prevalence of porotic hyperostosis with comparative samples.1. Williams and Murphy ms; 2. Murphy 2004. Blank: test not performed. Red indicates statistically significant. The prevalence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis among subadults and adults was also compared to that from the Puruchuco (Gaither 2004) and El Brujo (Gaither 2004) samples. The differences in frequencies are not is statistically significant (Table 4.7). The prevalence rates compared are presented in Appendix II.
Sample
P values - Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis Adults and Subadults
Puruchuco
2.15
El Brujo
3.29
Table 4.7 Fisher’s exact p values for comparison of prevalence of porotic hyperostosis with Puruchuco (Gaither 2004) and El Brujo (Gaither 2004). C. Terminal stature
Terminal stature could only be estimated for fours adults, three females, and one male. Female stature averaged 151.44 cm (Table 4.8, Table 4.9), with a standard deviation of 3.67 cm (Table 4.9). Only one male individual had a complete femur that could be measured, and the estimated height for this individual is 159.04 cm.
Average Stature range
Females
Males
151.44
159.04
147.63 - 155.26
155.62 - 162.46
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Standard deviation n
3.67
0
3
1
Table 4.8 Estimated average stature and stature ranges for females and males in this Maranga sample Comparisons on terminal stature were only possible for which data on brachial and crural indices, as well as standard deviation and samples sizes has been published. This limited the possible comparisons to samples from Puruchuco (Gaither 2004, Murphy 2004), and El Brujo. Furthermore, the brachial and crural indices should not be different to the ones calculated for this Maranga sample. The complete results for brachial index and crural index are presented in Tables 4.10 and 4.11, respectively. The stature data for all the sites above mentioned is presented in Appendix II.
Comparative site
p
t
df
Puruchuco2
0.7156
0.3654
103
3
Puruchuco
0.3663
0.9073
104
El Brujo
0.9688
0.0391
41
Table 4.9 Unpaired t-test for brachial indices. Significant difference is indicated by a p value of 0.05 or lower. 2. Murphy 2004; 3. Gaither 2004.
Comparative site
p
t
df
Puruchuco2
0.1838
1.339
97
Puruchuco3
0.012
2.562
95
El Brujo
0.0551
1.978
39
Table 4.10 Unpaired t-test for crural indices. Significant difference is indicated by a p value of 0.05 or lower. 2. Murphy 2004; 3. Gaither 2004.
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The unpaired t-tests results suggest there are no differences between the adult stature of the Maranga females in this sample, and the females of Puruchuco (Gatiher 2004, Murphy 2004) and El Brujo (Gaither 2004) (Table 4.12).
Comparative Sample
p value
t
df
Puruchuco2
0.8633
0.1732
43
Puruchuco3
0.468
0.7336
34
El Brujo
0.4109
0.8375
23
Table 4.12 Unpaired t-test for female stature difference is indicated by a p value of 0.05 or lower. Puruchuco: 2. Murphy 2004, 3. Gaither 2003; El Brujo: Gaither 2004.
D. Developmental enamel defects
Developmental enamel defects were only observed on three adult individuals, specifically a female, a male, and a probable male. The Fisher’s exact test for sex as grouping factor includes the probable male individual within the male group. The male individuals presented between three and five DED in up to three anterior teeth. The female individual presented eight DED in two anterior teeth, and one posterior. None of the tests within this Maranga sample (provenience, age, and sex) indicate a statistically significant difference between the groups (Table 4.13).
Groups
Fisher's exact p
HCB/HSM
0.5692
Adults/subadults
>0.999
Female/male
0.3571
Table 4.13 Fisher’s exact p values for groups within this Maranga sample 85
This Maranga sample could only be compared to the data available for Puruchuco (Murphy 2004) in terms of total affected teeth [7/205 in Maranga, 80/115 in Puruchuco (Murphy 2004)], number of anterior DEDs [4/18 in Maranga, and 713/1174 in Puruchuco (Murphy 2004)], and number of posterior DEDs [4/18 in Maranga and 94/923 in Puruchuco (Murphy 2004)]. The only significant difference is in the number of total affected teeth (Fisher’s exact p>0.0001) (Table 4.14).
Sample Puruchuco
P values - Dental Enamel Defects Total affected teeth
Anterior DEDs
Posterior DEDs
